NATO's Parlamentariske Forsamling 2024-25
NPA Alm.del Bilag 3
Offentligt
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POLICY
RECOMMENDATIONS
ADOPTED IN 2024
199 SESA 24 E | 25 November 2024
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
STANDING WITH UKRAINE UNTIL VICTORY
DECLARATION 489
SHAPING NATO FOR THE NEXT GENERATIONS AT THE WASHINGTON SUMMIT
DECLARATION 490
BREAKING THE SILENCE AND FIGHTING FOR DIGNITY:
COMBATTING CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE
RESOLUTION 491
STRENGHTENING NATO’S INTEGRATED AIR AND MISSILE DEFENCE
RESOLUTION 492
1
5
8
11
GALVANISING TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCE TO SUPPORT ALLIED PROSPERITY AND
SECURITY
14
RESOLUTION 493
NATO AFTER THE WASHINGTON SUMMIT: FUTURE-PROOFING THE ALLIANCE AND
SUPPORTING UKRAINE UNTIL VICTORY
RESOLUTION 494
17
HARNESSING OPPORTUNITIES OF THE RESPONSIBLE USE OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
IN THE MILITARY DOMAIN
21
RESOLUTION 495
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STANDING WITH UKRAINE UNTIL VICTORY
DECLARATION 489
*
The Assembly,
1.
Reiterating
its unequivocal condemnation, in the strongest possible terms, of Russia’s
ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine as well as its missile and drone attacks against urban
centres and critical infrastructure, aimed at terrorising the Ukrainian people;
2.
United
and determined to support Ukraine, its democracy, independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity, within its internationally recognised borders, as well as its right to self-defence
and self-determination for as long as it takes for Ukraine to win;
3.
Stressing
that Russia bears sole responsibility for triggering the most serious security crisis
on the European continent since the Second World War, threatening the very foundations of the
rules-based international order;
4.
Highlighting
that Russia’s war against Ukraine is also a critical test of the collective resilience
of democracies against the tyranny and brutality of authoritarianism and that by supporting Ukraine,
Allies also protect their own security and shared democratic values;
5.
Convinced
that Russia’s threat to Allies and to global security will remain for the long term
and that Allies must ensure that Ukraine wins,
recognising
that Russia’s aggression would not stop
at Ukraine;
6.
Stressing
that the way democracies step up to respond to Russia’s aggression and long-term
threat will shape the future European and international order for the next generations;
7.
Stressing
that the current efforts in military assistance are not sufficient for Ukraine to win
against Russian aggression and
recognising
that the amount, type and timeliness of military
assistance that is provided to Ukraine has significant battlefield consequences;
8.
Recognising
that Russia can and must suffer strategic defeat in Ukraine;
9.
Commending
the initiatives taken by Allied countries to address the most urgent shortages
experienced by Ukraine;
10.
Determined
that Allies must move beyond incremental,
ad hoc
steps in their support to
Ukraine towards a clearly stated strategy premised on the goal that Ukraine must be provided with
all that it needs, as quickly as possible and for as long as it takes for it to win;
11.
Welcoming
the European Union’s agreement to use the extraordinary revenues stemming
from around 200 billion euros in immobilised Russian assets to directly finances recovery and military
aid to Ukraine;
12.
Highlighting
that NATO Allies account for 99% of all military aid to Ukraine and that since the
start of Russia’s war, the United States has provided Ukraine with over 80 billion dollars in military,
financial and humanitarian aid, while other NATO Allies and partners have provided over 100 billion
dollars;
*
Adopted by the Plenary Assembly at its Spring Session in Sofia (Bulgaria) on Monday 27 May 2024.
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13.
Welcoming
the clearly demonstrated solidarity of the EU member states with Ukraine, with
the establishment of a 50 billion euro financial mechanism for Ukraine for a period of 2024-2027;
14.
Applauding
the substantial assistance for Ukraine in the amount of 60.8 billion dollars recently
approved by the United States that demonstrates the powerful U.S. commitment to Ukraine;
15.
Recognising
that nine countries have completed bilateral security agreements with Ukraine;
16.
Stressing
that Allies together represent roughly 50% of the world's total economic and military
might, that aid to Ukraine only represents a tiny fraction of their GDPs and that it is therefore a small
investment compared to the strategic benefits related to Ukraine’s victory;
17.
Expressing
profound respect and admiration for the remarkable bravery, resilience and
resolve of the people, the democratic institutions and the armed and security forces of Ukraine;
18.
Reaffirming
that it will never recognise any of Russia’s illegal and forcible attempted
annexations of Ukrainian territory;
19.
Convinced
that there can be no lasting peace in Europe without Ukraine as an integral part of
the European and Euro-Atlantic families;
20.
Stressing
that Allies must also continue to step up their support to Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and other vulnerable partners, working in close synergy with the
European Union;
21.
Stressing
that Allies need to actively engage third countries to convince them to condemn
Russia and to limit their commercial engagements with Russia,
recognising
that Russia is
conducting imperial and revanchist policies in violation of international law, including the United
Nations (UN) Charter, as highlighted in UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolutions
ES-11/1 and
ES-11/4, and
underlining
Russia’s role and intent to destroy the international rules-based order;
22.
Denouncing
the military assistance provided by the Belarusian, Iranian and North Korean
regimes to Russia’s war and those who provide material or other kinds of assistance to Russia;
23.
Saluting
the significant strengthening of NATO’s political and practical support for Ukraine,
particularly through establishing the NATO-Ukraine Council (NUC) and through the further
development of the Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP) into a multiyear assistance
programme for Ukraine;
24.
Welcoming
the planned establishment of the Joint Analysis, Training and Education Centre
in Bydgoszcz, Poland, allowing Ukraine to share its lessons from Russia’s war and to learn and train
alongside Allied armed forces;
25.
Stressing
that NATO’s Washington Summit must send a clear signal that Allies will stand with
Ukraine until victory and must take a concrete step forward towards Ukraine’s NATO membership;
26.
Reaffirming
its readiness and determination to support Ukraine’s further democratic
consolidation and reform agenda on the now irreversible path to NATO membership, including
through the special fund to support Ukraine’s democracy;
27.
Recalling
Declarations 474
and
482
and other Assembly Resolutions in support of Ukraine;
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28.
URGES
the governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance:
a.
to clearly affirm that their strategic goal is Ukraine’s victory and to urgently step up and
speed up the delivery of the military assistance which Ukraine needs to win;
to set assistance to Ukraine on a sustainable footing and to agree that all Allies must
dedicate the necessary resources for the long term;
to use all available opportunities to provide Ukraine with the required number of air
defence systems, primarily Patriot, to protect civilian objects;
to support Ukraine in its international right to defend itself by lifting some restrictions on
the use of weapons provided by NATO Allies to strike legitimate targets in Russia;
to continue to ensure the fair sharing of the burden among all Allies across all types of
assistance to Ukraine - military, humanitarian, financial and material;
to continue to use the NUC format, to the fullest extent, as a regular platform of
consultation for discussing issues of common security and to continue to expand the
format;
to establish a NATO mission for Ukraine in order to enhance NATO’s role in coordinating
Allied efforts in support of Ukraine, particularly in the Ukraine Defence Contact Group
(the Ramstein process), the Security Assistance Group-Ukraine (SAG-U) and the
International Donor Coordination Centre in Wiesbaden;
to agree on an interoperability roadmap to guide Ukraine’s transition to full
interoperability with NATO;
to ramp up Allied defence production for the Alliance’s needs as well as to support
Ukraine, to work with Allied defence industries and with like-minded partners to prioritise
aid to Ukraine over orders from other third countries and to support the urgent
development of Ukraine’s defence industrial capacity through direct investments into
Ukraine’s military production;
to support the prompt establishment of the Joint Analysis, Training and Education Centre
in Bydgoszcz, Poland, and encourage Allies to take a decision on the structure and
funding at the Washington Summit in July;
to recognise that Ukraine has made significant progress towards an invitation to join
NATO;
to redouble efforts to help Ukraine achieve full membership as soon as possible by
accelerating its integration into NATO and make significant and tangible progress on it
at NATO’s Washington Summit;
to fully support Ukraine’s path of democratic reform, including by establishing a Centre
for Democratic Resilience at NATO’s Headquarters to serve as a platform for sharing
resources and exchanging best practices;
to encourage more Allies to sign bilateral security agreements with Ukraine;
to provide ambitious, sustainable, equitable and predictable funding for the multi-year
CAP assistance programme;
to support the ongoing strengthening of the NATO Representation to Ukraine;
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
m.
n.
o.
p.
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to recognise the Assembly’s essential complementary role in supporting Ukraine’s
democratic institutions and reform process on its path towards membership;
to allow for engagements between the NUC and the NATO Parliamentary Assembly on
the parliamentary dimension of the NATO-Ukraine relationship;
to designate a liaison officer in the expanded NATO Representation to Ukraine to work
with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly to support capacity-building efforts for the
Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine;
to continue to support the establishment of a special tribunal for prosecuting Russia’s
crime of aggression and all efforts to ensure accountability for all of Russia’s crimes;
to back the ramping up and effective enforcement of sanctions against Russia and its
accomplices;
to prepare a long-term strategy and proactive measures of modern containment of
Russia in order to counter the Russian threat in all its dimensions, actively defend
democracy and the rules-based international order, and boost Allied and Alliance
resilience to and contest Russia’s aggressive political, military and hybrid destabilising
activities, affecting the Alliance and Allies’ security;
to support Ukraine’s efforts to promote President Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula for a
comprehensive, just and sustainable peace;
to step up support for Ukraine’s reconstruction and urgently develop legal frameworks to
allow for the use of frozen Russian assets;
to advocate among partner and affiliated countries, as well as, more broadly, among
countries of the “Global South” the need to support Ukraine, and to condemn Russia, in
line with relevant resolutions of the UNGA.
q.
r.
s.
t.
u.
v.
w.
x.
y.
_______________
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SHAPING NATO FOR THE NEXT GENERATIONS AT THE WASHINGTON
SUMMIT
DECLARATION 490
*
The Assembly,
1.
Convinced
that NATO is and remains the cornerstone and indispensable guarantor of Europe
and North America’s security;
2.
Underlining
that NATO has succeeded throughout all shifts in the security environment
because it is defined not by what it stands against but by what it stands for – the defence of
democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law;
3.
Stressing
that, for 75 years, the unique commitment to collective defence enshrined in Article
5 of the North Atlantic Treaty has prevented an armed attack from any state actors against the
Alliance;
4.
Recalling
that Allies only invoked Article 5 once, following the 11 September 2001 terrorist
attacks against the United States;
5.
Certain
that Allies today face a new era of strategic competition and their greatest test for
collective security and defence in a generation;
6.
Stressing
therefore the need to contain Russia across all domains;
7.
Underscoring
that Russia currently represents the most significant and direct threat to Allied
security and to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area; terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations remains the most direct asymmetric threat to the Alliance and is increasingly
supported by the Russian and Iranian regimes; and the stated ambitions and coercive policies of the
People’s Republic of China pose multiple and systemic challenges to Euro-Atlantic interests, security
and values;
8.
Saluting
the profound transformation at 360 degrees of the NATO Alliance initiated at the
Madrid Summit and accelerated at the Vilnius Summit;
9.
Expressing
deep concern about ongoing Russian hybrid activities on Allied territory, including
sabotage, acts of violence, cyber and electronic interference, disinformation campaigns and other
hybrid operations;
10.
Stressing
that the Washington Summit must shape NATO for the next generations and
demonstrate continued rock-solid unity and determination as well as a clear commitment by all Allies
to take on a fair share of the responsibility for Allied security;
11.
Welcoming
Sweden’s accession; reaffirming its full support for Ukraine, Georgia, and Bosnia
and Herzegovina’s aspiration to join NATO; underlining its consistent support to NATO’s Open Door
Policy; and fully convinced of the value NATO’s partnerships add to Allied security;
12.
Firmly committed
to supporting Georgia’s democracy, independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity, and European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations, but
deeply concerned
about the
law on the so-called “transparency of foreign influence”, which is a step backwards for the country’s
*
Adopted by the Plenary Assembly at its Spring Session in Sofia (Bulgaria) on Monday 27 May 2024.
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democratic consolidation and runs counter to its NATO as well as EU aspirations, and
urging
the
Georgian authorities to withdrawn the law before it further damages Georgian democracy;
13.
Recalling
the 30
th
anniversary of the establishment of the Mediterranean Dialogue and the
20
th
anniversary of the establishment of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative;
14.
Determined
to continue to play its part to strengthen NATO and the unique transatlantic bond;
15.
URGES
the Heads of State and Government of the North Atlantic Alliance at their Summit
meeting in Washington:
a.
to make clear that NATO is prepared and will defend every inch of Allied territory at all
times under Article 5;
to take further measures to implement the renewed Defence Investment Pledge agreed
at the Vilnius Summit with all its elements, including:
i.
Deliver without delay on the enduring commitment and concrete plans to reach at
least 2% of GDP annually on defence spending, invest at least 20% of defence
budgets on major equipment and recognise that, in certain cases, substantially
higher spending will be necessary to satisfy Article 3 of the Washington Treaty;
Ensure investment in R&D is appropriately funded.
b.
ii.
c.
to take concrete steps to reduce and eliminate obstacles to defence trade and investment
among Allies;
to reaffirm the commitment to collective defence at 360 degrees against threats from all
directions; to NATO’s three core tasks – deterrence and defence, crisis prevention and
management as well as cooperative security; and to increasing national and collective
resilience;
to fully recognise the threat that autocracies pose to democracies, as laid out in NATO’s
2022 Strategic Concept, and operationalise NATO’s commitment to defending shared
democratic values by establishing a Centre for Democratic Resilience at NATO
Headquarters;
to urgently step up and speed up the delivery of the military assistance which Ukraine
needs to win and to ensure Russia’s defeat in Ukraine;
to develop a strategy regarding NATO support for Ukraine against aggression by the
Russian Federation at the tactical, operational and strategic levels and to help hasten
Ukraine’s victory against Russia’s invasion forces;
to send a clear signal that Allies will stand with Ukraine until victory and take concrete
steps forward on its now irreversible path to NATO membership, in line with the
Assembly’s recommendations in Declaration 033 SC 24 E rev.2;
to reaffirm the fact that NATO’s role in the fight against terrorism contributes to all three
core tasks of the Alliance and is integral to the Alliance’s 360-degree approach to
deterrence and defence, and by taking into account the Vilnius Summit decisions, to
agree on additional taskings in this regard;
to make concrete, long-term commitments for military assistance to Ukraine until it
reaches victory and beyond;
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
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k.
to prepare a long-term strategy and proactive measures of modern containment of
Russia in order to counter the Russian threat in all its dimensions, actively defend
democracy and the rules-based international order, and boost Allied and Alliance
resilience to and contest Russia’s aggressive political, military and hybrid destabilising
activities, affecting the Alliance and Allies’ security;
to promptly complete the full implementation of the new baseline for NATO’s enhanced
deterrence and defence posture, including by resourcing NATO’s new defence plans and
making these plans fully executable by all criteria;
to ensure sustainable implementation of the rotational air defence model on the Eastern
Flank;
to make full use of the Defence Production Action Plan and other NATO instruments,
including for joint procurement, to urgently strengthen Allied defence industries;
to agree on a pledge that all Allies must fairly share the burden and responsibility for the
Alliance’s shared security;
to take the unique and essential partnership with the European Union to the next level
with a view to reinforcing its complementarity with NATO;
to strengthen relations with strategic partners in NATO’s southern neighbourhood,
beginning with those belonging to the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Istanbul
Cooperation Initiative, building on the report by the Secretary General’s independent
Group of Experts, and to step up cooperation with partners at risk and like-minded
partners across the globe, in particular in the Indo-Pacific region, as well as agree on a
relevant roadmap;
to recognise, in the Summit communiqué, the Assembly’s indispensable role and
contribution as a link between the parliaments and people of the Alliance and NATO.
l.
m.
n.
o.
p.
q.
r.
_______________
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BREAKING THE SILENCE AND FIGHTING FOR DIGNITY:
COMBATTING CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE
*
RESOLUTION 491*
The Assembly,
1.
Deploring
the persistence of widespread and systematic sexual violence in armed conflicts
around the world and the impunity from which most perpetrators continue to benefit;
2.
Strongly condemning
the deliberate use of sexual violence in armed conflict, by some state
and non-state actors, as a tactic and a weapon of war against civilian populations and military
personnel;
3.
Recalling
that women and girls are disproportionately targeted by conflict-related sexual
violence, while
acknowledging
that men and boys are also affected by such violence;
4.
Underscoring
that sexual violence in the context of conflict is prohibited under international
law and that it can, under certain conditions, amount to a crime against humanity, a war crime, and
a constituent act of genocide; and
considering
that conflict-related sexual violence in all its forms
is a blatant violation of the principles upon which NATO and Allied societies are founded;
5.
Emphasising
that conflict-related sexual violence is deeply rooted in harmful gender norms
and structural inequalities between men and women and, therefore,
highlighting
the necessity of
progressing towards gender equality;
6.
Stressing
the importance of prioritising the needs of victims and survivors, who often endure
profound physical and psychological scars, as well as societal stigmatisation and ostracism;
7.
Reiterating
that all parties involved in armed conflicts must cease and prevent all forms of
sexual violence and take specific measures to protect against such violence;
8.
Emphasising
that conflict-related sexual violence, by undermining social stability, fuelling
hostilities, and hampering post-war recovery and peacebuilding efforts, undermines Allied and
international security;
9.
Reaffirming
the importance of fully implementing UNSC resolution 1325 on Women, Peace
and Security (WPS), as well as the nine subsequent UNSC resolutions on WPS, particularly 1820
and 1888, which all recognise the need to combat conflict-related sexual violence;
10.
Recognising
that the empowerment of women and girls is a core principle of the WPS agenda
and a key component in the realisation of durable peace and security;
11.
Saluting
the adoption in recent years by NATO and the Allies of policies and measures to
combat conflict-related sexual violence and to advance gender equality more broadly, including the
WPS Policy approved at the Washington Summit;
12.
Recognising
the urgent need for concerted efforts in bilateral and multilateral formats,
including in NATO, to combat conflict-related sexual violence;
*
Presented by the Committee on Democracy and Security and adopted by the Plenary Assembly at the
70
th
Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly held in Montréal, Canada, on
Monday 25 November 2024
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13.
URGES
member governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance and, where
appropriate, NATO bodies:
a.
b.
c.
d.
to implement in an integrated and systemic manner national and collective policies
addressing conflict-related sexual violence;
to provide appropriate and long-term financial support for these efforts;
to intensify their efforts to combat structural gender inequalities that contribute to
conflict-related sexual violence;
to ensure that national armed forces are adequately equipped and trained to recognise
and prevent conflict-related sexual violence, protect civilians from such violence and
assist victims and survivors;
to continue raising awareness and denouncing the use of sexual violence as a weapon
of war and a driver of conflict, particularly in key multilateral fora;
to use their diplomatic influence to impress upon armed actors their moral and legal
obligations to refrain from committing sexual violence and protect civilians from such
violence;
to ensure justice and uphold accountability by providing national and international judicial
institutions with sufficient political, financial and technical means to investigate and
prosecute conflict-related sexual violence cases, and to advocate for compensation to
victims and survivors for the harm suffered;
to adopt targeted sanctions against those found responsible for carrying out, ordering or
enabling conflict-related sexual violence;
to invest in the collection of accurate, reliable and disaggregated data on conflict-related
sexual violence, as well as in broader research efforts, and develop specific monitoring
and evaluation mechanisms of Allied efforts to counter conflict-related sexual violence in
order to maximise their impact, accountability and transparency;
to contribute to the prevention of sexual violence in conflict and post-conflict settings by
designing and implementing community education and awareness campaigns and early
warning and intervention systems, as well as addressing systemic inequalities;
to increase the representation of women as well as victims and survivors in security,
peacekeeping, law enforcement, and military roles to foster trust in institutions, empower
survivors and victims as agents of change, and contribute to durable peace;
to provide rapid, effective and comprehensive responses that meet the needs of victims
and survivors, ensuring access to protection, justice as well as support services and
reintegration programmes, and to systematically include victims and survivors in the
design and implementation of such efforts;
to increase financial, technical and political support for international and civil society
organisations combatting conflict-related sexual violence and helping victims and
survivors;
to maintain and deepen support for Ukraine in its fight against Russia’s use of sexual
violence in its war of aggression against Ukraine and to assist victims and survivors and
Ukrainian courts in seeking redress for these atrocities;
to cooperate more closely, in accordance with relevant NATO policies and procedures,
with partner countries, relevant international institutions and civil society organisations
active in the fight against conflict-related sexual violence and the implementation of the
WPS Agenda;
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
m.
n.
o.
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p. to establish a Centre for Democratic Resilience within NATO to serve as a platform for
sharing resources and exchanging best practices among Allies and their partners in
defending democracy and the rules-based international order, including the prohibition of
conflict-related sexual violence.
_______________
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STRENGHTENING NATO’S INTEGRATED AIR AND MISSILE DEFENCE
*
RESOLUTION 492*
The Assembly,
1.
Recognising
that Russia’s illegal, unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against
Ukraine, which constituted the expansion of Russia’s armed aggression that has been ongoing since
February of 2014, has fundamentally changed Euro-Atlantic security and forced NATO Allies to
adjust to a more dangerous security environment and acquire the capabilities necessary to defend
their populations and territory;
2.
Alarmed
by Russia’s rapid missile arsenal modernisation and expansion, including new
dual-capable ballistic, cruise and aeroballistic missiles designed specifically to hold NATO
populations and territories at risk, and the growth of its production capacity to sustain its reckless,
brutal and illegal air campaigns against Ukrainian cities, civilian populations, and armed forces;
3.
Very concerned
about significant advancements and investments by Russia, China, and
North Korea in their nuclear arsenals and capabilities, including a Russian nuclear weapon in
development designed to target space infrastructure, which, coupled with its reckless nuclear
rhetoric and announced nuclear missile deployments to its ally, Belarus, represents a clear effort to
shift the global balance of strategic power;
4.
Recognising
that Russia’s use of nuclear rhetoric and manipulation through threats and
escalation tactics aims to destabilise Allied unity, and
reaffirming
that such actions must not deter
the Alliance from providing sustained and robust support to Ukraine;
5.
Clear-eyed
about the growing forms of opportunistic military cooperation among autocratic
regimes in Moscow, Beijing, Tehran, and Pyongyang, which are particularly focused on the
exchange of missile and drone capabilities and know-how, and
alarmed
these forms of cooperation
are extending to non-state actors, further escalating existing conflicts and conventional and nuclear
risks across the globe;
6.
Alert
to the central role advanced missiles and drones already play in a growing number of
conflicts in the Alliance’s near neighbourhood, particularly in Russia’s massive and cruel war of
aggression against Ukraine, involving weapons from Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and North Korean troops, and now using a strategic ballistic missile that could be a carrier of
weapons of mass destruction;
7.
Vigilant
to the reality this growing complexity of air threats presents a clear and pressing
challenge to NATO Allies’ existing air and missile defence systems and forces partners to use their
air defence forces to shoot down Russian military targets over their territory;
8.
Troubled
by Russia’s repeated violation of arms control frameworks and counter-proliferation
initiatives, such as the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, the New Strategic Arms
Reduction Treaty (New START), and the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), and
understanding
that the continued erosion of arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation
frameworks and norms undermines strategic stability;
9.
Commending
Ukraine for its heroic territorial defence against Russia’s air campaign despite
its significant disadvantages in troops and materiel;
*
Presented by the Defence and Security Committee and adopted by the Plenary Assembly at the
70
th
Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly held in Montréal, Canada, on
Monday 25 November 2024
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10.
Urging
Allies to learn from Ukraine’s capable defence against Russia’s complex air war,
especially the dispersal and manoeuvrability of its air defences and innovative use of unmanned
aerial vehicles (UAVs) for intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition, and as direct-attack
munitions;
11.
Recalling
that Integrated Air and Missile Defence (IAMD) is fundamental to the Alliance’s core
task of deterrence and defence and, therefore, vital to collective defence, in order to avoid losing
NATO’s competitive edge to actors who seek to create international instability and challenge the
rules-based international order;
12.
Noting
that underinvestment in Allied air and missile defence capabilities after the end of the
Cold War has undermined Allied security in the current, unstable and unpredictable security
environment;
13.
Acknowledging
that Allies must now make significant investments in NATO IAMD in order to
meet the new baseline for defence and deterrence agreed upon at the Madrid and Vilnius Summits;
14.
Welcoming
the operationalisation of the missile defence base in Redzikowo, Poland, as a
significant milestone in strengthening NATO’s IAMD capabilities and enhancing the Alliance’s
deterrence and defence posture on its eastern flank;
15.
Welcoming
multilateral initiatives to strengthen and modernise Allied IAMD, notably the
European Sky Shield Initiative, as well as the development and acquisitions of air and missile
defence systems by individual Allies;
16.
Also welcoming
Allies’ stated intention at the Washington Summit to update NATO’s IAMD
policy, based on a 360-degree approach to increase readiness, responsiveness, and integration
through new initiatives, such as the IAMD Rotational Model across the Euro-Atlantic area with an
initial focus on the eastern flank;
17.
Stressing
that all air and missile defence initiatives should meet capability targets specified
by the NATO Defence Planning Process (NDPP) and that new assets should be interoperable with
other NATO systems;
18.
Encouraging
Allies to invest in and become early adopters of advanced missile defence
technologies, including directed energy weapons, space-based sensors, and more effective
interceptors;
19.
Emphasising
that a stronger and more capable NATO IAMD architecture means not only
more launchers, interceptors, radars and sensors, but also a more integrated NATO command and
control (C2) network to link national assets into a coherent Alliance-wide system;
20.
Affirming
that a modernised, 360-degree NATO IAMD is a strategic imperative given the
deterioration of the Alliance’s security environment;
21.
Understanding
fully that missile defence can complement the role of nuclear weapons in
deterrence; it cannot substitute them;
22.
Underscoring
that NATO must remain united in its response to Russia’s aggression and
continue to support Ukraine while demonstrating that manipulation, threats, and coercion will not
deter the Alliance from upholding international law and defending democratic values;
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23.
URGES
member governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance:
a.
to eliminate, either through individual investment or cooperative initiatives, all single
points of failure across the Alliance’s eastern flank, where many layers of air defences
are either ageing, incompatible, legacy Soviet equipment, or non-existent;
to upgrade their air defences to NATO standards and ensure they are interoperable and
integrated within a wider IAMD architecture that is tailored to address all air and missile
threats emanating from all strategic directions from state and non-state actors;
to build on the commitments made in Madrid to implement NATO’s air and missile
defence as a crucial prerequisite to meeting the standards of performance outlined at
the Vilnius Summit, and to maintain the balance of defensive and offensive systems that
underpin NATO’s deterrence and defence posture;
to increase defence spending to 2% of GDP as a baseline, with at least 20% allocated
to investments and new equipment purchases, to increase Allies’ capabilities and meet
the deterrence and defence standards to which they have pledged, and to recognise
that, in certain cases, substantially higher spending will be necessary to satisfy Article 3
of the Washington Treaty;
to stimulate production across Allies’ industrial bases by sending consistent demand
signals, making necessary investments, and lowering barriers to defence cooperation
between Allies;
to adapt the Alliance’s air and missile defence architecture to the state and non-state
threats it faces, particularly to the clear and present challenge of Russia;
to consider whether the Alliance’s ballistic missile mission should be adapted to handle
the realities of the current security environment;
to ensure that Allies have lower-tier capabilities to address a range of non-strategic air
and missile threats;
to learn from Ukraine’s heroic self-defence, particularly the critical role of dispersed and
mobile air defence systems, and incorporate these lessons into Allied missile defence
practice;
to advance innovation in UAVs as both battlefield managers, direct attack munitions, and
in offensive and defensive roles;
to hone their ability to exercise IAMD missions, increase their participation in relevant
NATO IAMD entities, including the NATO IAMD Centre of Excellence in Crete, and
ensure these missions’ seamless integration into the Alliance’s broader deterrence and
defence posture.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
_______________
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199 SESA 24 E
GALVANISING TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCE TO SUPPORT ALLIED
PROSPERITY AND SECURITY
*
RESOLUTION 493*
The Assembly,
1.
Stressing
that maintaining NATO and Allied technological superiority is paramount in a
security environment characterised by renewed strategic competition between democratic Allies
and autocratic powers;
2.
Recognising
that both Allied and competitor country military systems increasingly rely on
commercially developed technologies;
3.
Determined
to step up support for technological innovation and adoption across the Alliance,
while redoubling efforts to secure supply chains and limit competitor countries’ access to the most
militarily sensitive technologies without resorting to blanket protectionism;
4.
Concerned
that China’s growing economic and technological capabilities coupled with its
capacity to acquire sensitive Western technologies with military applications through legal and
illegal means pose a serious strategic challenge to Allies and partners;
5.
Noting
China’s stated ambition to achieve a dominant position in key technology markets,
many of which have military applications, including semiconductors, artificial intelligence (AI),
aerospace, biotech, information technology, smart manufacturing, maritime engineering, advanced
rail, electric vehicles, and other electrical equipment;
6.
Understanding
that AI is a force multiplier that will strongly condition future markets and
battlefields, and that it too has become a source of mounting trade and geostrategic tension;
7.
Welcoming
the determination of Allied countries and partners to fully leverage the positive
potential of AI while developing regulations and standards to address the potential dangers posed
by AI and to thwart those intent on deploying AI as a weapon against the democratic world;
8.
Supporting
the establishment of tough and comprehensive sanctions regimes, including
technology access restrictions, aiming to undermine Russia’s capacity to sustain its war of
aggression against Ukraine;
9.
Applauding
the significant investments that North America, Europe, and partner countries
like Japan and the Republic of Korea have made in semiconductor manufacturing to ensure that
critical commercial and defence industries will have assured access to these essential industrial
components into the future;
10.
Recognising
that at least 92% of the world’s most advanced (below ten nanometers)
semiconductor manufacturing capacity is currently located in Taiwan;
11.
Endorsing
western commercial and government efforts to strengthen defences against
intellectual property theft;
12.
Recognising
that the evolving nature of military equipment development demands new,
technically and politically challenging export control strategies;
*
Presented by the Economics and Security Committee and adopted by the Plenary Assembly at the
70
th
Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly held in Montréal, Canada, on
Monday 25 November 2024
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13.
Condemning
Russia’s evasion of export controls and sanctions to acquire restricted western
technologies that it incorporates into weapons systems used in its illegal and unjustified war in
Ukraine and similar efforts carried out by Iran and North Korea;
14.
Acknowledging
that the resale of restricted technologies to countries where technology
restrictions do not apply or are not rigorously enforced facilitates the diversion of these technologies
to strategic competitors;
15.
Concerned,
moreover, that western governments have under-resourced export controls and
sanction enforcement efforts, which effectively lowers the risks and costs to those engaged in
circumventing those restrictions;
16.
Cognisant
that effective technology export control regimes require coalitions among Allies
and partners collectively working to ensure comprehensive restrictions that restrict rivals’ access to
militarily sensitive technologies;
17.
Welcoming
the AUKUS partnership engaging Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United
States, which represents an important advance in technology sharing and defence industrial
cooperation among two key NATO Allies and an Indo-Pacific partner, and which could become a
model for expanded technological collaboration among democracies in the future, as well as the
Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) between Japan, Italy and the United Kingdom, which
similarly engages two NATO members and an Indo-Pacific partner and is open for other countries
to join;
18.
Observing
that NATO Allies must maintain well-funded innovation programmes in
partnership with the private sector and universities to better exploit the commercial and strategic
advantages of technology;
19.
Encouraged
that NATO recognises shared technology development as a critical force
multiplier which enhances interoperability and efficiency while fostering critical defence industrial
links among Allies;
20.
Endorsing
NATO’s recognition of the challenge that strategic competitors pose in this domain
and particularly their shared efforts to thwart Allied technology export restrictions;
21.
Supporting
efforts like the NATO-Ukraine Innovation Cooperation Roadmap, which defines
shared objectives to guide NATO’s technology cooperation with that important partner and outlines
key workstreams under four delivery areas: innovation policy enablers, innovation ecosystem
engagement, pilot activities and lessons learned;
22.
Recognising
that a continuous dialogue between national defence ministries, agencies and
scientific and defence industrial communities can facilitate efforts to integrate emerging
technologies into national force structures;
23.
Applauding
the launch and ongoing build-up of NATO’s DIANA programme which
underscores the Alliance’s commitment to technology innovation;
24.
Convinced
that NATO Allies require a comprehensive framework for securing supply chains
and regulating trade in sensitive technologies with competitor nations and should coordinate their
approaches in this domain;
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25.
URGES
the governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance:
a.
to dedicate more political attention and resources to counter the risks of technology
leakages through trade, targeted investments in western firms undertaken by strategic
competitors, smuggling, and espionage;
to recognise the full scope of China’s technological and strategic ambitions and its
tendency to engage in technology theft to achieve these and to invest substantial
resources towards these ends in collaborating with other strategic competitors;
to collaborate more closely with partners in the Indo-Pacific in research and
development, academic exchanges, and efforts to secure supply chains for the critical
inputs needed to expand production of key technologies;
to enforce existing and secondary sanctions and export restrictions relating to military
technology and increase cooperation relating to the development of appropriate
measures to increase the economic resiliency of the Alliance in the face of strategic
competition from such countries as Russia and China;
to coordinate export controls on emerging dual-use technologies and strategic
intellectual property, including through relevant international forums, so that strategic
competitors are prevented from accessing critical technology that could be used to
threaten the security of Allies and partners;
to strike workable balances between security considerations and open trading principles,
particularly among like-minded states, that avoid overly stringent controls and outright
protectionism that would hinder innovation, undermine competitiveness, and unduly
raise prices;
to bolster transparency about the nature of technology-driven security threats so that
companies are better placed to factor in national security considerations when making
trade and investment decisions;
to ensure that proper rules and enforcement measures are in place so that inward and
outward investments are not leading to the proliferation of sensitive technologies;
to strengthen public-private-university partnerships to drive technology development;
to support Ukrainian efforts to develop and access key technologies it can use to defend
its sovereignty and protect its people;
to support NATO efforts to work with public and private sector partners, academic and
civil society, in accordance with relevant NATO policies and procedures, to develop and
adopt new technologies, establish international principles of responsible use, and
maintain NATO’s technological edge through innovation;
to allocate public funding needed to underwrite technological advances with military
applications, in line with the renewed commitment to defence and investment spending
adopted at the 2023 Vilnius Summit and reiterated at the 2024 Washington Summit.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
_______________
16
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199 SESA 24 E
NATO AFTER THE WASHINGTON SUMMIT: FUTURE-PROOFING THE
ALLIANCE AND SUPPORTING UKRAINE UNTIL VICTORY
*
RESOLUTION 494*
The Assembly,
1.
Recognising
NATO’s unparalleled role over the past 75 years as the guarantor of Europe and
North America’s security and the cornerstone of peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region, its
ability to evolve and adapt in response to changing security challenges, and
reaffirming
its
unwavering commitment to shared democratic values, including individual liberty, human rights, and
the rule of law, which form the foundation of the Alliance’s mission, while
acknowledging
that the
defence of these values is integral to NATO’s role in safeguarding security and stability in the
Euro-Atlantic area;
2.
Applauding
the unity, resolve, and ironclad commitment to uphold the unique transatlantic
bond and the ironclad commitment to collective defence enshrined in Article 5 demonstrated by Allies
at the 2024 Washington Summit in addressing the most significant security challenges since the
Cold War;
3.
Welcoming
the transformative decisions taken at the recent Summits to radically enhance
NATO’s defence and deterrence posture, including bolstering forward defences, adopting new
defence plans, reinvigorating the defence industry and streamlining NATO’s command and control
arrangements;
4.
Acknowledging
the increased defence spending by Allies, with 23 nations meeting or
exceeding the 2% of GDP target by 2024, while
stressing
that the security environment requires all
Allies to step up for the long term;
5.
Condemning
in the strongest terms Russia’s ongoing illegal, unprovoked and unjustified war
of aggression against Ukraine, continued illegal temporary occupation of Ukrainian territory, its war
crimes, and its reckless nuclear sabre-rattling, which pose a direct threat to Euro-Atlantic stability;
6.
Reaffirming
unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity within
internationally recognised borders, and its irreversible path toward full NATO membership, and
saluting
the Washington Summit decisions to make the support of Ukraine more predictable,
coherent and institutionalised, including by establishing the NATO Security Assistance and Training
for Ukraine (NSATU), taking forward the establishment of the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis,
Training, and Education Centre (JATEC), and announcing a Pledge of Long-Term Security
Assistance for Ukraine with the intention of a minimum baseline funding of EUR 40 billion within the
next year;
7.
Strongly condemning
the abuse by the Russian Federation of its membership in international
organisations, in particular Interpol, to persecute political opponents as well as Ukrainian military
personnel, politicians and public figures;
8.
Stressing
that Russia remains the most significant and direct threat to Allied security, that this
threat will persist into the long term, and
welcoming
the Allies’ decision at the Washington Summit
to develop recommendations on NATO’s strategic approach to Russia;
*
Presented by the Political Committee and adopted by the Plenary Assembly at the 70
th
Annual
Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly held in Montréal, Canada, on Monday 25 November
2024
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9.
Reiterating
that terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, remains the most direct
asymmetric threat to Euro-Atlantic and global security;
10.
Clear-eyed
about the multiple and systemic challenges the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
poses to Euro-Atlantic security, interests and values as well as to the rules-based international order;
and
deploring
the PRC’s role as decisive enabler of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine as
well as the growing collusion between autocratic regimes in Russia, China, Iran, North Korea and
Belarus;
11.
Condemning
in the strongest possible terms the increasing military support to Russia by North
Korea, whose deployment of troops against Ukraine and supply of missiles and munitions pose a
serious threat to the peace of Europe and the Indo-Pacific area, and constitute a further violation of
international law;
12.
Reaffirming
the importance of NATO’s 360-degree approach to security, which addresses
challenges from all directions, including the southern flank, where instability, trafficking, terrorism
and militant groups continue to pose threats to Allied interests; and
welcoming
the adoption, at the
Washington Summit, of an action plan for NATO’s stronger, more strategic and result-oriented
approach toward the southern neighbourhood;
13.
Highlighting
the value of NATO’s partnerships, including growing cooperation with
like-minded partners in the Indo-Pacific region to uphold the rules-based international order;
14.
Underlining
its consistent support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova and for the Euro-Atlantic integration of Georgia
and Bosnia and Herzegovina;
15.
Recognising
the importance of NATO’s strategic partnership with the European Union,
welcoming
for the first time the nomination of a Commissioner-Designate for Defence and Space,
and
calling
for reinforced collaboration, particularly in areas such as military mobility, resilience, and
countering hybrid threats, while ensuring full involvement of non-EU Allies in EU defence initiatives;
16.
Recognising
that emerging threats and challenges, including disinformation, cyberattacks,
disruptive technologies and the militarisation of space, require NATO to adapt its strategic
capabilities and maintain its technological edge;
17.
Acknowledging
the security implications of climate change and the importance of ensuring
NATO remains committed to becoming the leading international organisation for understanding and
adapting to the impacts of climate change and extreme weather on security, while also
welcoming
the recent establishment of the NATO Climate Change and Security Centre of Excellence, which
seeks to foster civilian and military cooperation on these issues;
18.
URGES
member governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance:
a.
to demonstrate their ironclad commitment to NATO’s collective defence by ensuring the
full implementation of decisions taken at the Washington Summit and previous Summits
to strengthen the Alliance’s deterrence posture and enhance readiness, including the
ability to deter by denial through further strengthening our forward defences and
investing in a robust, layered air defence shield across the Alliance’s eastern flank;
to develop, by the next Summit in the Netherlands, a common strategic approach to
Russia, focusing on fully preparing the Alliance to contain and counter Russia’s hostile
actions across the board, whether conventional, hybrid or nuclear, while supporting
efforts to degrade Moscow’s ability to conduct aggressive wars, including by ensuring
the full implementation of sanctions by all Allies as well as by recognising Ukraine’s right
b.
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to strike legitimate military objects on the territory of the aggressor, in line with the self-
defence principle of Article 51 of the UN Charter;
c.
to ensure that all Allies meet at least the 2% GDP defence spending target without delay
and to consider further raising the target in order to ensure full implementation of NATO’s
new defence plans, while delivering on the NATO Industrial Capacity Expansion Pledge
and encouraging joint procurement initiatives;
to sustain and increase military, financial, and humanitarian support for Ukraine,
ensuring the timely delivery of munitions and advanced weapon systems, including air
defence systems, long-range precision weapons, and multi-role fighter aircraft, while
delivering on the Pledge of Long-Term Security Assistance for Ukraine and exploiting
the full potential of NSATU, the NATO-Ukraine Council, the Comprehensive Assistance
Package (CAP), the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis, Training and Education Centre, the
NATO Representation in Ukraine, and other instruments of support, and to maintain this
support to Ukraine for as long as it faces the Russian aggression or the threat thereof in
the future;
to support Ukraine’s efforts, as expressed in Ukraine's Peace Formula and Victory Plan,
to achieve a just and lasting peace for Ukraine, and to remain faithful to the principle of
“nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine”;
to step up political and practical efforts to help Ukraine receive an invitation and become
the 33
rd
member of NATO as soon as possible;
to strengthen the sanctions framework against the Russian Federation and the DPRK in
order to increase the price for their cooperation in the aggression against Ukraine, and
provide Ukraine with all the means, including medium-range missiles, to defend itself
and deter further aggression;
to continue supporting national and international initiatives to hold Russian forces and
officials accountable for violations of human rights, war crimes, the crime of aggression
and other breaches of international law;
to operationalise Allies’ commitment to democracy, freedom, and the rule of law,
including by establishing without delay a Centre for Democratic Resilience at NATO
Headquarters;
to continue efforts to counter, deter, defend and respond to threats posed by terrorist
groups, including by fully implementing the Action Plan on Enhancing NATO’s Role in
the International Community’s Fight Against Terrorism, updated at the Washington
Summit, and supporting the work of the NATO Secretary General’s Special Coordinator
for Counter-Terrorism;
to use political and economic leverages to deter China from supporting Russia’s war
effort and to continue boosting Allied resilience to China’s systemic challenge to Euro-
Atlantic security, including by reducing strategic dependencies, investing in cyber
defences and working with partners of the Alliance, particularly the EU and like-minded
Indo-Pacific partners, while continuing to seek opportunities for constructive dialogue
with Beijing;
to expand NATO’s engagement with southern partners, building on the action plan
adopted at the Washington Summit, including shoring up Allied security on southern
borders while seeking mutually beneficial cooperation and exploring synergies with
southern neighbours and other relevant actors, including the European Union, as well as
enhancing the role of the recently appointed NATO Secretary General’s Special
Representative for the southern neighbourhood to make NATO’s contribution to regional
stability more effective and making better use of the Strategic Direction-South HUB in
Naples;
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
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m.
to remain committed to security and stability in the Western Balkans, to support reforms
and reconciliation across the region, and to enhance assistance to regional partners in
countering malign influences of authoritarian countries;
to continue reassuring Allies and partners in the Black Sea region by strengthening
relevant multi-national battlegroups, preserving freedom of navigation, and supporting
Georgia’s and the Republic of Moldova’s efforts to push back against Russian malign
activities;
to advance NATO’s technological edge and deliver on NATO’s recent defence innovation
initiatives, capitalising on the strengths of free societies in advancing innovation, while
ensuring integration of innovative technologies across NATO’s defence architecture;
to ensure that NATO addresses climate-related risks as a core element of its defence
planning, including by stimulating innovation to reduce the reliance on fossil fuels and
critical raw materials and enhance our autonomy in this regard, while enhancing Allies’
resilience to climate-related disasters and supporting global efforts to mitigate climate
instability;
to continue integrating NATO’s Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and Human Security
agendas across all core tasks, including by delivering on the updated WPS Policy.
n.
o.
p.
q.
_______________
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199 SESA 24 E
HARNESSING OPPORTUNITIES OF THE RESPONSIBLE USE OF
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN THE MILITARY DOMAIN
*
RESOLUTION 495*
The Assembly,
1.
Recognising
that Artificial Intelligence (AI) will transform the ways wars are fought and that
leadership in AI is crucial for maintaining NATO’s technological edge and ensuring the responsible
use of AI in the military domain;
2.
Acknowledging
that the integration of AI into military systems will revolutionise warfare
through, for example, advancements in decision-making support, the deployment of autonomous
systems and the augmentation and adaptation of soldiers’ roles;
3.
Reaffirming
the need to adopt an international convention governing the use of AI in lethal
autonomous weapons systems;
4.
Recognising
the plethora of technical, operational, legal and ethical challenges that the
implementation of AI may bring to future armed conflicts and the potential for AI in warfare to create
concerns and mistrust among the wider public;
5.
Observing
that the pace of innovation and demand for rapid adaptation of AI by armed forces
pose challenges for civilian oversight and regulatory processes, and that most international
regulatory and government efforts do not apply to national defence and the military domain;
6.
Welcoming
the Alliance’s revised AI Strategy and
reaffirming
the Principles of Responsible
Use of Artificial Intelligence in Defence;
7.
Applauding
NATO's efforts to foster an innovative AI ecosystem through the NATO Innovation
Fund, its investments in promising start-ups, and the DIANA accelerator program, which emphasises
AI as a cross-cutting enabling technology;
8.
Strongly supporting
the efforts and work of other NATO bodies, such as the NATO Data and
AI Review Board, the NATO Science and Technology Organization, and the NATO Communications
and Information Agency, in ensuring that the Alliance can reap the rewards whilst avoiding the pitfalls
associated with AI;
9.
Welcoming
key efforts by national governments and international organisations to regulate
and govern the development and use of AI, all aimed at creating frameworks for the ethical and
democratic use of AI;
10.
Cautioning
that external actors, such as the People’s Republic of China and the Russian
Federation, are ramping up efforts in this technological area to strengthen their armed forces with
fewer democratic and ethical constraints than Allies;
*
Presented by the Science and Technology Committee and adopted by the Plenary Assembly at the
70
th
Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly held in Montréal, Canada, on
Monday 25 November 2024
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11.
Observing
that the People’s Republic of China and Russia may not abide by internationally
launched initiatives towards the ethical and responsible use of AI in the military domain, reflected in
the fact that the People’s Republic of China has not endorsed the Responsible AI in the Military
Domain (REAIM) Blueprint for Action despite attending the Summit in Seoul, Republic of South
Korea;
12.
Affirming
the need to maintain human control over the decision to use nuclear weapons, a
core component of NATO’s deterrence and defence capabilities;
13.
URGES
member governments and parliaments of the North Atlantic Alliance:
a.
to advance joint efforts on AI in the civilian and military domains to ensure that NATO
maintains its technological edge and its armed forces can leverage the technology’s
benefits whilst being cognisant of the operational, ethical, and legal challenges
associated with the adoption of AI;
to continue developing and enforcing joint operational and tactical standards to
strengthen collective defence and address future interoperability challenges, including
misaligned data, data sovereignty issues, and system integration gaps;
to invest in fostering an innovative AI ecosystem that enables NATO to leverage
commercial advancements for Allied forces and implement cross-functional risk
assessments to apply civilian dual-use solutions in the military;
to actively raise public awareness of AI’s role in the armed forces to build trust and
legitimacy, and prevent mistrust and negative impacts on democracy and human rights
by ensuring ethical use that upholds NATO’s democratic values;
to work towards a proactive and coherent strategic framework and activities across
NATO bodies and member countries, enabling governance to keep pace with technical
developments and innovation and ensuring that ethical and legal guidelines are
effectively implemented on the ground;
to ensure that all Allies build a minimum level of AI adaptation for future conflicts and
consider how smaller Allies could contribute to standardisation and integration;
to build on existing approaches to regulate AI in the military domain and strive for a
balance between military considerations and political priorities in the incorporation of AI
in the armed forces enabling NATO to enhance its operational effectiveness while
upholding democratic principles;
to foster ethical oversight by involving military, civilian, and regulatory representatives
in integrating dual-use solutions, leveraging private sector expertise to minimise biases,
promote workforce diversity, and prioritise funding for start-ups that align with NATO’s
ethical and legal principles;
to ensure that cooperation with the EU and other partners in this field includes a
structured dialogue, so that the key AI documents of both institutions remain aligned,
particularly regarding ethical standards;
to continue to strongly support the development of inclusive and universal norms and
standards for the ethical, legal, and responsible use of AI in the military domain.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
_______________
22