OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

OSCEs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2021-22
OSCE Alm.del Bilag 3
Offentligt

The Annual Report of the

OSCE PA Special Representative

on Gender Issues

OSCEs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2021-22

OSCE Alm.del - Bilag 3

Offentligt

2021

VIOLENCE AGAINST

WOMEN JOURNALISTS

AND POLITICIANS:

A GROWING CRISIS

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................................................................3

PART I

....................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 5

OVERVIEW OF THE CRISIS................................................................................................................................................................5

ONLINE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS ........................................................................6

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS ..............................................................................................................................8

Violence in the Field, the Newsroom and Beyond....................................................................................................................................................9

Online Violence Against Women Journalists ............................................................................................................................................................11

Targeted Identities .................................................................................................................................................................................................................12

Targeted Stories.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................13

Impact on Journalism and Democracy.........................................................................................................................................................................15

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN POLITICIANS ............................................................................................................................ 16

Violence in Elected Assemblies, in Public Meetings and Beyond ..................................................................................................................16

Online Violence Against Women in Politics ..............................................................................................................................................................19

Targeted Politicians ...............................................................................................................................................................................................................20

Impact on the Political Sphere, Including Elected Assemblies .......................................................................................................................21

BARRIERS TO ADDRESSING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS ............................. 23

WAYS FORWARD TO ADDRESS VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS ....................... 24

The Development and Revision of Legislation ........................................................................................................................................................25

Efforts Specific to Parliaments .........................................................................................................................................................................................26

Men as Allies ..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................27

Data Collection..........................................................................................................................................................................................................................28

Support Services for Women Journalists and Politicians ..................................................................................................................................28

Election Observation Missions.........................................................................................................................................................................................29

The Women, Peace and Security Agenda ...................................................................................................................................................................29

CONCLUSION................................................................................................................................................................... 30

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

PART II .......................................................................................................................................................................................... 31

GENDER BALANCE IN THE OSCE GOVERNMENTAL STRUCTURES ................................................................... 31

OSCE Leadership .....................................................................................................................................................................................................................32

OSCE Secretariat ......................................................................................................................................................................................................................33

Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) ....................................................................................................................33

Office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) ...............................................................................................................34

Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media (RFoM) ....................................................................................................................34

Seconded Posts in the Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations .......................................................................................................34

Field Operations: Gender Balance of Staff Members ...........................................................................................................................................34

Latest Gender-related Developments in the OSCE................................................................................................................................................35

FEMALE REPRESENTATION IN THE SPECIAL MONITORING MISSION TO UKRAINE ............................................... 37

Gender Equality Action Plan .............................................................................................................................................................................................37

Gender Balance Among the SMM Staff Members...................................................................................................................................................38

GENDER BALANCE AMONG THE VIENNA-BASED AMBASSADORS AND PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES TO

THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL ............................................................................................................................................... 38

GENDER BALANCE IN THE OSCE PA ........................................................................................................................................... 39

Member Directory Statistics .............................................................................................................................................................................................40

Initiative to Boost Women’s Participation

................................................................................................................................................................41

Gender balance in the Bureau ..........................................................................................................................................................................................41

Female Presidents and Vice-Presidents in the OSCE PA...............................................................................................................................42

Officers of the OSCE PA General Committees .....................................................................................................................................................42

Female Participation in the OSCE PA Annual Sessions and Winter Meetings ........................................................................................42

Female Participation in the OSCE PA Election Monitoring 2019–2020 ....................................................................................................44

Permanent Staff of the OSCE PA International Secretariat ..............................................................................................................................45

The International Research Assistant Programme ...............................................................................................................................................45

Female Representation in National Parliaments of OSCE participating States .....................................................................................45

Parliamentary Web Dialogues in 2020 and 2021..................................................................................................................................................45

APPENDIX A ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 48

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

INTRODUCTION

Violence against women is a global epidemic that affects at least one in three women in their lifetime.

While many women experience violence in the private sphere, such as intimate partner violence at home,

the public sphere provides no guarantee of safe haven. Women often find their presence and legitimacy

challenged in dangerous and alarming ways when they assume their rightful place in the public sphere.

This report is divided in two Parts. The first, thematic part examines the prevalence and impact of

violence against women in two public and influential fields: journalism and politics, with a particular

emphasis on the emerging phenomenon of online violence. The report provides evidence

–

both

quantitative and qualitative

–

of violence against women journalists and politicians, including certain

groups of women who are targeted for additional abuse because of intersecting identities. Furthermore,

the report discusses the negative impact of such violence on the fields of journalism and politics, as well

as democracy as a whole. Lastly, the report examines the barriers to effective responses and possible ways

forward that could be implemented to address violence against women journalists and politicians. The

second part provides statistical analysis of developments pertaining to gender balance within the staffing

structure of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), including the OSCE

Parliamentary Assembly (PA).

DISCLAIMER: The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly makes no claims nor warranties of any kind, expressed or

implied, about the completeness and reliability of this report and the data contained in it.

UN Women,

Facts and figures: Ending violence against women.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016; National Democratic

Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021; Flávia Biroli,

“Violence

against Women and Reactions to Gender Equality in Politics,”

Politics & Gender,

Vol. 14, Issue 4, December 2018.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

PART I

OVERVIEW OF THE CRISIS

As this report will demonstrate, while both men and women who enter journalism and politics are at risk

of abuse, the violence against women in these domains is qualitatively different. It is gendered, and often

sexual, in nature. It has the goal and impact of discouraging women from being in the public sphere.

Further, it often focuses on matters unrelated to the women’s work as a journalist or politician,

focusing

instead on her appearance, intellect, personal relationships, professional credentials, and “likeability.”

The perpetrators, the great majority of whom are men, often commit such acts with the aim of preserving

traditional gender roles and restricting or preventing the public participation of women as a group.

The range of violence targeting journalists and politicians can include physical, sexual, psychological and

economic.

Violence against women journalists and politicians is a growing problem and one that appears to be fuelled

by the broader global context. Democratic backsliding and a rise in authoritarianism

–

strict obedience

to authority at the expense of personal freedom

–

has put journalists and politicians at risk and reduced

the costs of violence for perpetrators.

Furthermore, some political regimes in the Organization for

Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) region and beyond have used the COVID-19 pandemic to

advance authoritarian policies with the goal of restricting the media and political activities.

In addition,

a move towards authoritarianism is often accompanied by a resurgence of patriarchal values, with

devastating effects on gender equality. Leaders with authoritarian leanings will encourage intolerance

of, and misogyny against, women in public life with the goal of dividing and cultivating fear. As countries

inch towards authoritarianism, this backlash against women is noticeable. For instance: in May 2021,

Hungary and Poland successfully got the term “gender equality”

removed from a European Union social

summit in Portugal; in March 2021, Turkey left the

Istanbul Convention,

a legally binding Council of

Europe treaty to tackle violence against women; and in Russia, numerous domestic violence laws have

been scaled back.

Furthermore, violence against women journalists and politicians is fuelled by toxic masculinity, whereby

persistent gender norms teach boys and men that they will be rewarded and valued for their toughness

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018;

Ludovic Rheault et al. “Politicians

in the line of fire:

Incivility and the treatment of women on social media,”

Research and Politics,

Vol. 1, Issue 7, January-March 2019.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Ibid.

Laura Thornton, “How

authoritarians use gender as a weapon,”

Global Opinion: The Washington Post,

7 June 2021.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

and their athleticism, for winning at all costs, for being in control and unemotional, and for their sexual

prowess.

According to the White Ribbon Campaign:

These stereotypical gender norms, when internalized and if unchecked,

may lead to tremendous harm for young people and adults, especially

when they pressure children and youth to behave in strict and rigid ways.

The use of risky behaviours, including violence, bullying, dominance and control

among

boys, young men and men to prove they are “real men,” has devastating

consequences

–

for them, and for our homes, schools, communities and

workplaces.

Toxic masculinity leads men to believe that they should control the public sphere and that women with

influence undermine men’s identity and role in society.

Women’s movements have

been powerful drivers of global and national action to advance gender

equality. The #MeToo movement and other public protests led by women have raised awareness of

the impact of gender-based violence on women in all aspects of their lives, including the workplace.

Today, the mindset that sexist remarks or harassment are “part of the job” is no longer acceptable, and

many women and men are demanding change in the world of media and politics: this includes demands

to improve women’s

representation in managerial positions in newsrooms and the diversity at all

hierarchical levels.

Yet, despite growing awareness of the problem, in Organization for Security and Co-

operation in Europe Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA) countries and globally, the scourge of violence

against women journalists and politicians remains ever-present.

ONLINE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS

The Internet, including social media, has become a necessary and a very useful tool for journalists and

politicians to connect with colleagues, to reach out to the public, to conduct research, and to express

themselves.

However, the Internet has also provided a space for gender-based online violence, a form

of violence that is particularly widespread against women journalists and politicians.

Online violence can be understood as the use of the Internet by a perpetrator for committing an act

of violence or extending an act of violence in order to harm the well-being of an individual or group.

While both men and women experience violence through social media and communications technologies,

White Ribbon Campaign,

Boys Don’t Cry.

Ibid.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016.

Amnesty International,

Toxic Twitter

–

A Toxic Place for Women,

2018.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

research indicates that women and girls are at greater risk of experiencing cyberviolence, especially

severe types of harassment and sexualized online abuse, and that this form of violence is tied to larger

social problems of sexism and misogyny.

According to a 2019 Council of Europe document:

Online harassment, both misogynist and sexist, is on the rise. While the Internet

is not at the origin of harassment, it has contributed to propagating and

perpetuating gender stereotypes, sexism and sexist hate speech, thus bringing a

new and complex dimension to efforts to tackle this challenge and curb its

negative impact.

UN General Assembly Resolution 68/181 states that “information-technology-related

violations, abuses,

discrimination and violence against women … with a view to discrediting them and/or

inciting other

violations and abuses against them, are a growing concern and can be a manifestation of systemic gender-

based discrimination.”

Online violence against women is similar to other types of gender-based

violence: it is used as a tool to control

women, to maintain men’s dominance over women, and to

reinforce patriarchal norms, roles and structures. However, online violence differs from other forms

of violence against women because of certain characteristics

Relentlessness:

Victims

can be attacked online at any hour, any day, and there is no “safe” location

for the victim to take refuge.

Disinhibition:

Perpetrators feel less empathy and find it easier to be cruel when they cannot see or

be seen by their target, particularly when they are acting anonymously.

Audience:

The online realm has a potentially huge audience.

Anonymity:

Perpetrators can use deception or anonymity to undertake their activities.

Ease of access:

The automation of technology requires little technical knowledge and the

affordability of most technology provides access.

Digital permanence:

Content posted online about a person typically becomes a part of their

permanent online identity and is nearly impossible to erase.

Online violence against women can take many different forms, such as, but not limited to:

Harassment or spamming, where a perpetrator uses technology to continually contact, threaten

or scare a victim;

YWCA Canada,

Creating a safer digital world for young women. Project Shift

–

Needs Assessment Report Summary,

September 2015.

Council of Europe, “Women

in politics and in the public discourse: What role can national Parliaments play in combating the

increasing level of harassment and hate speech towards female politicians and parliamentarians?,”

Background document

for the European Conference of Presidents of Parliament, 24-25 October 2019.

United Nations, “Resolution

68/181,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Sixty-eighth session, 30 January 2014.

Jessica West,

Cyber-Violence Against Women,

Battered Women’s Support Services, May

2014, p. 2; United Nations Broadband

Commission for Digital Development,

Cyber Violence Against Women and Girls: A World-Wide Wake-Up Call,

2015, p. 23.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Cyberstalking, where a perpetrator initiates repeated and unwanted contact through emails,

texts or social media;

Non-consensual distribution of sexual recordings, images or messages, with the aim of harassing

or shaming the targeted individual;

Disinformation campaigns, whereby individuals, groups of individuals or government entities

purposefully spread false information about an individual or their work with the goal of

discrediting them and damaging their reputations; and

Doxing, where a perpetrator releases a victim’s personal information with the intent of causing

harm.

Online violence is both difficult to prevent and difficult to prosecute, presenting serious challenges to

victims, their families, law enforcement agencies, the justice system and governments. Furthermore, the

irreparable harm to a survivors’ mental and physical health is often not understood

by law enforcement,

justice and government officials. Moreover, there is still prevalent thinking of law enforcement that

“online is not real”,

which leads to a lack of institutional support and reinforces impunity for

perpetrators. This can lead to a lack of willingness to report online attacks, which, in turn, further

reinforces impunity, creating a vicious circle. In recent years, women journalists and politicians have

been targeted by perpetrators of online violence, a troubling situation that is examined later in this

report.

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS

Many experts agree that attacks on freedom of the press and on the activities of journalists have

intensified in recent years. Increasingly hostile political rhetoric towards the media across the OSCE

region and beyond, combined with the rise of social media and, more recently the strain of working

during the COVID-19 pandemic, have put unique pressure on all journalists.

Furthermore, violence

against journalists has also increased and, all too often, perpetrators act with impunity.

Women journalists are in face additional risks compared to their male counterparts. This gendered

violence takes myriad forms, ranging from physical and sexual violence to workplace discrimination to

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media,

Regular Report to the Permanent Council For the period from 4 December

2020 to 13 May 2021,

13 May 2021; the partner organisations to the Council of Europe Platform to Promote the Protection

of Journalism and Safety of Journalists,

Wanted! Real action for media freedom in Europe: Annual report 2021,

Council of

Europe, April 2021; Julie Posetti, Emily Bell and Pete Brown,

Journalism & the Pandemic: A Global Snapshot of Impacts,

International Center for Journalists [ICFJ] and the Tow Center for Digital Journalism at Columbia University, 2020; United

Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO],

Intensified Attacks, New Defences: Developments in the

Fight to Protect Journalists and End Impunity,

2019.

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media,

Safety of Journalists: An imperative for free media,

2019; UNESCO,

Intensified

Attacks, New Defences: Developments in the Fight to Protect Journalists and End Impunity,

2019.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

misogynistic online threats and harassment. For women with intersecting identity factors, the risk

compounds further.

Violence in the Field, the Newsroom and Beyond

Far fewer women journalists than men journalists are killed while on the job. The United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) reports that 1,454 journalists have been

killed since 1993, of whom 114 were female.

There are a number of reasons for this discrepancy:

in addition to being underrepresented in the industry generally, women journalists are less likely than

men to work on reporting from conflict zones or on more dangerous topics, which may stem from

stereotypes and exclusionary newsroom practices.

Indeed, 45% of respondents to a Reporters Without

Borders survey, which was sent to 150 people in 120 countries, observed that women journalists in their

country are often purposefully not sent to areas considered dangerous.

More recently, women’s representation in the media field has increased, and more women

are given

equal assignment opportunities as men (including in dangerous regions or on dangerous topics). As a

result, women journalists are increasingly experiencing physical violence at such assignments, and that

abuse is additionally often gendered in nature.

Women journalists also face the possibility of detention, which can hold special dangers and hardships

for women, including threatened and actual sexual violence.

According to Reporters Without Borders,

the number of detained women journalists increased 35% from December 2019 to December 2020,

although the total number of detained journalists held approximately steady.

The Coalition For Women

In Journalism reported that 19 women journalists were newly detained in May 2021 alone, including

several in Belarus.

Women journalists also experience many other forms of violence. One survey of women journalists in

50 countries found that 48% of respondents had experienced gender-based violence while working,

Reporters Without Borders [RSF],

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021; Special Rapporteur on violence against women,

its causes and consequences,

“Combating

Violence Against Women Journalists,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Forty-

fourth session, 6 May 2020; Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters

and International Women’s Media Foundation, 2018.

UNESCO,

UNESCO observatory of killed journalists.

For other reports on violence against journalists, see Committee to Protect

Journalists,

Explore CPJ’s database of attacks on the press;

Reporters Without Borders,

Violations of press freedom barometer;

Council of Europe,

Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists.

UNESCO,

Intensified Attacks, New Defences: Developments in the Fight to Protect Journalists and End Impunity,

2019, p. 50.

Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s

Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021.

Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021; Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its

causes and consequences,

“Combating

Violence Against Women Journalists,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Forty-fourth

session, 6 May 2020, para. 28.

Reporters Without Borders,

RSF’s 2020 round-up:

35% rise in number of women journalists held arbitrarily,

11 December

2020.

Coalition For Women In Journalism,

Press Freedom Status for Women Journalists: May 2021,

1 June 2021.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

including sexual harassment, physical violence, and verbal, psychological, and economic abuse.

Another survey of women journalists and media workers found that 63% of women respondents had

been threatened or harassed online at least once.

In the first quarter of 2021, the Coalition For Women

In Journalism documented 348 cases of violence and threats against women journalists around the

world, such as attack or impediment in the field, sexual assault or harassment, physical assault, including

torture, arrests, detentions, legal harassment, organizational harassment, threats of death or violence

or expulsion from work.

This violence appears to be on the rise. The Coalition For Women In Journalism reported that cases of

violence and threats against women journalists have been rising around the world.

The majority of

women respondents to a 2018 joint International Women’s Media Foundation and Troll-Busters

survey

reported a rise in both physical and online attacks against journalists and media workers in the last

five years, with 67% observing an increased number of physical attacks and 90% observing increased

online threats.

Likewise, 85% of respondents to a Committee to Protect Journalists survey of women

and non-binary journalists in the United States and Canada believed that journalists had become less safe

in the last five years.

Women in journalism are also victimized by their own colleagues in the industry, encountering varied

forms of discrimination, harassment and violence. For instance, in a 2017 International Federation of

Journalists survey, among women journalists in 50 countries who experienced gender-based violence, in

38% of the cases, the perpetrator was a supervisor and in 17% of the cases, the perpetrator was a

colleague.

A Reporters Without Borders survey of its worldwide correspondents as well as journalists

who write about gender issues found that 51% of respondents who had experienced sexual violence

indicated that at least one perpetrator was a superior.

Many women working in journalism and the media have spoken out about patterns of workplace abuse,

some empowered by the

#MeToo movement.

For instance, after Danish television presenter Sofie Linde

spoke out about sexual harassment in August 2020, over 1,600 women media workers signed an article

in a Danish newspaper that described their experiences of “[i]nappropriate comments on our appearance

International Federation of Journalists, “IFJ

Survey: One in Two Women Journalists Suffer Gender-based Violence at Work,”

News release,

24 November 2017.

Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters and

International

Women’s Media Foundation, 2018, p.

22.

Coalition For Women In Journalism,

2021 First Quarterly Report,

1 May 2021.

Ibid.

Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters and

International

Women’s Media Foundation, 2018, p.

25.

Lucy Westcott and James W. Foley,

“‘The

Threats Follow us Home’: Survey Details Risks for Female Journalists in U.S.,

Canada,”

Committee to Protect Journalists,

4 September 2019.

International Federation of Journalists, “IFJ

Survey: One in Two Women Journalists Suffer Gender-based Violence at Work,”

News release,

24 November 2017.

Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021, p. 11.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

or clothes, suggestive messages, physical behaviour that crosses the line, warnings about which men to

avoid at the

Christmas party.”

Online Violence Against Women Journalists

The rise of the Internet has been accompanied by the rise of online violence, including online attacks

against women journalists. Many experts agree that women journalists are more often targeted in online

attacks and are subjected to more vicious and sexualized attacks, compared to men journalists.

Online attacks can take myriad forms: misogynistic harassment, abuse and threats, breaches of digital

privacy and security, and coordinated disinformation campaigns.

The International Press Institute

analysis, done in the framework of the OSCE RFoM project on the Safety of Female Journalists Online

(SOFJO), found that online attacks targeting women journalists in Europe could be roughly divided into

five categories: belittlement, sexist insults, threats of sexual violence and death, threats and insults to

family, and campaigns aimed at inflicting damage to professional reputation.

This violent phenomenon appears to be growing in frequency and severity. Former OSCE Representative

on Freedom of the Media Harlem Désir warned in 2019 that “[o]nline

harassment is escalating in the

OSCE region and beyond, with a significant impact on the work of women journalists and their participation

in the field of journalism.”

European experts described a “surge” of online abuse against journalists,

especially female journalists, in 2020.

Early results from a global survey of journalists, conducted by

the International Centre for Journalists (ICFJ) and UNESCO and released in 2020, found that nearly three

quarters (73%) of women respondents reported having experienced online violence.

This figure

exceeds those found by surveys conducted in prior years, although the different surveys cannot be

directly compared.

Ibid.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 6; the partner

organisations to the Council of Europe Platform to Promote the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists,

Wanted!

Real action for media freedom in Europe: Annual report 2021,

Council of Europe, April 2021, p. 11.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 10.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 8-11.

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media,

Communiqué by the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media on

Media Pluralism, Safety of Female Journalists and Safeguarding Marginalized Voices Online,

Communiqué No. 1/2019.

The partner organisations to the Council of Europe Platform to Promote the Protection of Journalism and Safety of

Journalists,

Wanted! Real action for media freedom in Europe: Annual report 2021,

Council of Europe, April 2021, p. 11.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 12.

See for example: Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-

Busters

and International Women’s Media Foundation, 2018;

International Federation of Journalists,

IFJ global survey shows

massive impact of online abuse on women journalists,

23 November 2018; International Federation of Journalists, “IFJ

Survey:

One in Two Women Journalists Suffer Gender-based Violence at Work,”

News release,

24 November 2017.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Online violence can lead to offline violence. Among journalists who responded to the ICFJ and UNESCO

survey, 20% of women reported that they had been attacked or abused in-person in connection with

violence previously experienced online. More than half of Arab women respondents (53%) said they had

experienced offline attacks originating online, compared to 11% of white women respondents.

Threats,

harassment and attacks can negatively impact a person’s mental health and well-being.

After an online or a physical attack, women journalists report flashbacks, feelings of self-blame and

isolation, or post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as other emotional impacts, physical reactions and

negative feelings.

For example, one respondent to a OSCE questionnaire on the online safety of female

journalists reported that online abuse affected her psychologically and “[f]or a while it was difficult to

feel safe.”

Another indicated that she had experienced such a severe campaign of online abuse that for

a while she found it difficult to sleep.

Despite growing recognition that violence against women journalists is increasingly online, the full scale

of the violence is likely still being underestimated. Many women do not report the violence they experience

to their supervisors or the police, often because of stigma and anticipation of negative professional

consequences, such as being denied assignments in the future.

Targeted Identities

Both offline and online, abusers target women journalists with multiple marginalized identities with

particular ferocity.

This can involve abuse based on race, ethnicity, religion, national origin, disability,

sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression, among other identity factors.

For instance, among respondents to the ICFJ and UNESCO survey, 88% of Jewish women, 86% of

Indigenous women, and 81% of Black women had experienced online violence, compared to 64% of

white women. Likewise, 88% of lesbian women respondents and 85% of bisexual women respondents

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 23.

Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters and

International Women’s Media Foundation, 2018, p.

36-37; UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against

women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021, p. 13.

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media,

Summary of the OSCE RFoM Questionnaire on Safety of Female Journalists Online.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 15; Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences,

“Combating

Violence Against Women

Journalists,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Forty-fourth session, 6 May 2020, para. 31; Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and

Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters

and International Women’s Media

Foundation, 2018, p. 12.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences,

“Combating

Violence Against Women

Journalists,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Forty-fourth session, 6 May 2020, para. 53-60; OSCE Representative on

Freedom of the Media,

Communiqué by the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media on Media Pluralism, Safety of Female

Journalists and Safeguarding Marginalized Voices Online,

Communiqué No. 1/2019.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

had experienced online violence, compared to 72% of heterosexual women respondents.

An Amnesty

International analysis of tweets sent to women journalists and politicians in the United States and the

United Kingdom in 2017 found that Black, Asian, Latina and mixed-race women were 34% more likely

than white women to be mentioned in abusive or problematic tweets.

To some extent, the particular identities that compound a journalist’s risk of experiencing violence

vary by geopolitical context. In Norway, for example, immigrant women, especially Black and Muslim

immigrant women journalists, have been identified as particularly targeted by hate.

In contrast,

Crister Ohlsson, head of security at Swedish media group Bonnier News, said much of the harassment

against journalists working for their company is anti-Semitic.

The Coalition For Women In Journalism has been recording racially motivated attacks against

women journalists. In Portugal, in May 2021, correspondent Conceição Queiroz was intimidated and

racially-discriminated against by a passerby during a live broadcast. In Turkey, columnist Karel Valansi

was targeted with anti-semitic attacks and subjected to an online smear campaign.

Targeted Stories

Reporting on certain “sensitive” or “polarizing” topics appears to attract online abuse. This is true for

both men and women journalists; however, men tend to receive targeted abuse that focuses on their

professional output (the news story), while the abuse against women often goes beyond the news story,

to focus on personal traits and gendered insults.

In particular, perpetrators seem to target women journalists to a greater extent when they write stories

on the subjects of women, gender and sexuality. Gender was the story theme most often linked to

heightened online harassment by participants in the ICFJ and UNESCO survey of women journalists in 125

countries. The same survey notes that stories about feminism, domestic violence, sexual assaults,

femicide, reproductive rights and abortion, and transgender issues were met with particular vitriol.

According to another study by the International Press Institute, stories that appear to support LGBTQ+

rights or feminism were found to trigger backlash in Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 22.

Amnesty International,

Troll Patrol Findings: Using Crowdsourcing, Data Science & Machine Learning to Measure Violence and

Abuse against Women on Twitter.

Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021, p. 20.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 25-25.

The Coalition For Women In Journalism,

Press Freedom Status for Women Journalists

–

May 2021,

1 June 2021.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 6.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 31.

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Kingdom.

From 2012 to 2017, Reporters Without Borders recorded 11 murders, 12 imprisonments and

25 attacks against journalists in connection with their reporting on women’s rights.

Other types of political reporting can serve as a lightning rod for abuse and discrimination. The ICFJ and

UNESCO survey results identified

“politics and elections” as the story theme second most likely to attract

online harassment and abuse, after gender.

Participants in a survey of female and gender

non-conforming journalists in Canada and the United States reported that, while reporters covering a

range of beats received harassment, those covering local and national politics and extremism received

more severe and sustained abuse.

According to research conducted by the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media in 2015, some

women journalists in the OSCE region, when asked which topics most often trigger abusive online

comments, pointed to their reporting on politics, especially criticism of government, migration, human

rights, religion, feminism, terrorism and the conflict between Israel and Palestine.

For instance, in

Germany, in May 2021, journalists Katherin Grabener and Antonia Yamin were attacked by

demonstrators at a protest on the conflict between Israel and Palestine.

Research by the International Press Institute indicates that the type of political stories that trigger the

most abuse vary by country and region. For instance, reporting on refugees and migration has inspired

online abuse against journalists in Finland, Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom. Coverage of the

conflict between Russia and Ukraine has inspired backlash in Finland and Poland. Discussion of the

Catalan independence movement catalyzes violence against journalists across Spain.

In Malta,

journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia was murdered by a car bomb in 2017 when she was investigating

corruption in the Maltese government and society. Her case tragically illustrates how intensive online

attacks and smear campaigns, including by politicians and other powerful actors, can lead to physical

violence or even murder.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 8.

Reporters Without Borders,

RSF shines light on “forbidden coverage” of women’s rights,

5 March 2018.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 31.

Lucy Westcott and James W. Foley,

“‘The

Threats Follow us Home’: Survey Details Risks for Female Journalists in U.S.,

Canada,”

Committee to Protect Journalists,

4 September 2019.

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media,

Summary of the OSCE RFoM Questionnaire on Safety of Female Journalists Online.

The Coalition For Women In Journalism,

Press Freedom Status for Women Journalists

–

May 2021,

1 June 2021.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 8.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Women who report on sports face gendered violence and discrimination as well, according to Reporters

Without Borders.

For instance, in March 2021, more than 150 women sports journalists in France

signed an article decrying the discrimination and sexual harassment they face while doing their job.

Impact on Journalism and Democracy

The abuse against women journalists, especially after they report on hot-button issues, can serve to

discourage women’s participation in the media industry. For some women journalists, online or in-person

violence can limit their ability to do their job, damage their reputations, or even drive them out of the

profession.

For instance, some women journalists in the United Kingdom said that they had forwarded

stories about women’s harassment to male colleagues to avoid being harassed for reporting the story

themselves.

According to one survey of women journalists who had been threatened, harassed or attacked at least once,

37% said that they had avoided certain stories as a result. Others had thought about leaving the profession

(29%), observed negative impacts on their career advancement (24%), gotten scooped or a missed a story

(17%), considered requesting a transfer or a different area of speciality (16%) or actually requested a transfer

or a different area of speciality (16%).

Where this violence leads to women leaving journalism, the result is a less diverse and representative media.

Several studies show that a more diverse newsroom leads to more accurate and fulsome reporting and

coverage of issues that would otherwise be dismissed, including issues of importance to women and the public

debate.

Hence, all of society

benefits from a public debate that is inclusive. This links to society’s right to

pluralistic information, to democracy and sustainable development more broadly. As described by Virginia

Pérez Alonso, co-director of the newspaper Público:

We are in a society in which female voices are less heard than male voices because

men are predominant in the structures of power, structures that women find hard

to join and to be heard by. If at that point women refrain from making certain

comments or publishing information, we are depriving citizens of access to other

voices.

Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021, p. 18-19.

“Femmes

journalistes de sport, nous occupons le terrain !,”

Le Monde, 21 March 2021.

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 13; Reporters Without Borders,

Sexism’s Toll on Journalism,

8 March 2021, p. 25; Marilyn Clark and Anna Grech,

Journalists

under pressure

–

Unwarranted interference, fear and self-censorship in Europe,

Council of Europe, 2017.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 54.

Dr. Michelle Ferrier,

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting,

Troll-Busters and

International

Women’s Media Foundation, 2018,

p. 44.

Anna Griffin,

“Where

Are the Women?,”

Nieman Reports,

11 September 2014.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 46.

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Attacks on women journalists also function to discredit journalists generally, leading to loss of trust in

mainstream news outlets and increased spread of disinformation through informal channels.

In Germany, for

instance, the International Press Institute concluded that gendered attacks against women journalists aim not

only to silence the press but also, more broadly, to foster social division and disrupt the democratic exchange of

ideas and opinions.

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN POLITICIANS

Like women journalists, women politicians face unique risks, compared to their male counterparts, in

the form of sexist attacks and discrimination. Indeed, women politicians and journalists share many

similarities: they operate in the public eye and are subject to public scrutiny, they often bring attention

to potentially controversial issues that are of importance to women, and they are working in spaces once

reserved for men.

Globally, growing numbers of women are participating in politics by running for political office,

volunteering for political parties, attending political events, and registering as voters. However, the

increase of women’s political representation –

key to democratic progress

–

has been met with backlash

in some quarters, with reports

of more frequent and intense violent responses to women’s presence in

politics.

The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, a non-profit organization that collects data

of political violence worldwide, notes in a 2019 report that “the

threat of political violence towards

women has grown, in particular over the past 18 months, and is currently at its highest level recorded

since 2018.”

Too often, this violence is perpetrated or promoted by male political colleagues, whose

hostility against women colleagues is driven by toxic masculinity.

Violence in Elected Assemblies, in Public Meetings and Beyond

Violence against women politicians is defined by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence

against women as: “any act of gender-based

violence, or threat of such acts, that results in, or is likely to

result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering and is directed against a woman in politics

because she is a woman, or affects women disproportionately.”

The structures, operations and

UNESCO,

The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper,

30 April 2021,

p. 7.

Barbara Trionfi and Javier Luque,

Newsroom Best Practices for Addressing Online Violence against Journalists: Perspectives

from Finland, Germany, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom,

International Press Institute, June 2019, p. 29.

Westminster Foundation for Democracy, “Violence

Against Women in Politics: Global Perspectives of a Global Issue,”

Prepared for the International Summit on Violence Against Women in Politics, hosted by the UK political parties in partnership

with the Westminster Foundation for Democracy,

19-20 March 2018.

Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project,

‘Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal’: Political Violence Targeting Women,

May

2019.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

procedures of elected assemblies are historically established by men and parliaments remain

male-dominated to this day. When women are elected to parliamentary assemblies, they can be seen to

be challenging established gender norms, and as such, may face resistance and resentment by male

parliamentarians.

According to research on the situation globally, some women are targeted from the very moment they

become candidates. They may receive negative reactions from their families and spouses, their campaign

materials may be vandalized, and they may receive character assassinations or threats from opponents

or the public. Once elected, women continue to face violence, such as hostile working conditions in the

legislative assembly or council chambers, sexual harassment by colleagues, and abuse on social media.

There is limited data on violence against women in the political sphere. Two key surveys, conducted by

the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), provide some of the only global or region-specific data on this issue.

The first is a 2016 survey of 55 women parliamentarians from 39 countries (from five regions: Africa,

Europe, Asia-Pacific, Americas and Arab regions).

The second survey, conducted in 2018 in collaboration

with the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), is based on interviews with

123 women parliamentarians and parliamentary staff in Council of Europe member States.

The 2016 IPU survey of women politicians from 39 countries revealed the shocking extent to which

women in politics face discrimination and violence on account of their gender. Of the women surveyed,

during their time in office:

82% had experienced psychological violence;

22% had experienced sexual violence;

26% had experienced physical violence; and

33% had experienced economic violence.

Psychological violence against women politicians includes humiliating sexual or sexist remarks and

threats of death, rape and other violence. The 2016 IPU survey indicates that most psychological attacks

were made in parliament by male colleagues or on social media.

For example, in the United States,

Congresswoman Ilhan Omar has been targeted with misogyny, alongside Islamophobia and racism, by

politicians and political candidates running for office.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

October 2016.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

October 2016.

Ibid.

Steve Contorno, “‘We

should hang’ Ilhan Omar, Florida congressional candidate writes in fundraising letter,”

Tampa Bay

Times,

4 December 2019;

Astead W. Herndon, “Trump’s

Attack on Ilhan Omar: How the 2020 Democrats Diverged in

Response,”

The New York Times,

14 April 2019.

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When women politicians encounter sexual violence, it can constitute sexual harassment or a perpetrator

trying to force them to have sexual relations. In the 2016 IPU survey, many women parliamentarians

considered sexual harassment a “common practice.” Most of these acts –

including unwanted and

inappropriate gestures like “placing a hand on breast or buttocks” –

were made by male colleagues and

occurred in parliament, as well as during political meetings, and at official dinners or travel abroad.

In Belarus, female opposition activists in Belarus, including Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, have been

regularly threatened with sexual violence.

Physical violence against women politicians can include being slapped, pushed, struck or hit with a

projectile, or being threatened with a weapon (knife or gun) or having a weapon used against them.

Physical violence can occur in a variety of places, particularly political meetings, and the perpetrators are

often men (other politicians, anonymous people, family members or law enforcement).

For instance,

Member of Parliament for the United Kingdom, Jo Cox, was murdered in 2016 while on her way to a

constituency meeting by a man who held extremist views.

The 2018 IPU and PACE survey of women parliamentarians and staff in Council of Europe member States

also reveals troubling statistics.

Among women parliamentarians in Europe who took part in the study, during their term of office:

47% had received death threats or threats of rape or beating;

59% had been the target of online sexist attacks on social networks; and

68% had been the target of comments relating to their physical appearance or based on

gender stereotypes.

According to the same 2018 IPU and PACE survey of violence against parliamentarians in Europe,

the perpetrators of harassment and violence were political opponents, colleagues from the same party,

or ordinary citizens.

Equally alarming, were the high rates of harassment reported by women who were parliamentary staff.

For instance, 41% of women parliamentary staff who responded to the survey had experienced sexual

harassment in their work, and in 69% of the cases, the perpetrator was a male parliamentarian.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016.

Amnesty International UK, “Belarus:

Authorities threatening women political activists ahead of election,”

Press releases, 17 July

2020.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

Ibid.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Online Violence Against Women in Politics

Both women and men in politics have been targeted by a worrying rise in online violence directed at

them as individuals, in response to their work. A 2019 research article states:

A seemingly inescapable feature of the digital age is that people choosing to

devote their lives to politics must now be ready to face a barrage of insults and

disparaging comments targeted at them through social media.

However, the online violence directed at women politicians differs from that directed at political active

men in that its underlying intent is to silence women who engage in political life through fear, shame and

intimidation. Furthermore, the violence is more frequent and sexualized in nature, it is often driven by

misogyny, and appears to have the goal of attacking women’s full participation in politics.

The UN

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences warns that:

The extent to which such online violence is used by State and non-State actors

to spread disinformation aimed at discouraging women from participating in

politics, swaying popular support away from politically-active women

and influencing how men and women view particular issues has yet to be fully

understood.

Online violence is not limited to direct messages on social media, but also includes a pervasive

violent discourse targeting women politicians that ranges in intensity from sexist slurs to threats of physical

harm.

According to the 2018 IPU and PACE survey, women parliamentarians in Europe are frequent targets of online

attacks, with electronic communication the primary method by which they are threatened. The survey

indicated that 58% of respondents had seen abusive, sexual or violent images or comments about them online.

In 67% of cases, the perpetrators of abusive, sexual or violent content and behaviour on social networks were

Ludovic Rheault, et al. “Politicians

in the line of fire: Incivility and the treatment of women on social media,”

Research and

Politics,

Vol. 1, Issue 7, January-March 2019.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018; National Democratic Institute, International

Foundation for Electoral Systems & US AID,

Violence Against Women in Elections Online: A Social Media Analysis Tool,

September 2019.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

National Democratic Institute, International Foundation for Electoral Systems & US AID,

Violence Against Women in

Elections Online: A Social Media Analysis Tool,

September 2019.

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anonymous and acted remotely.

The IPU provided examples of concerning online attacks against politicians,

such as “nude photomontages together with crude insults,” or “pornographic videos circulating on

the

Internet” that target female parliamentarians.

The sheer volume of online abuse is disturbing. A 2017 report by Amnesty International UK, which examined

online abuse directed at women parliamentarians in the United Kingdom, highlighted the volume of abuse of

received by politicians: it analyzed the Twitter accounts of 177 women members of Parliament in the six

months prior to the 2017 elections and revealed a total of 25,688 abusive tweets directed at these women.

Targeted Politicians

Certain groups of women parliamentarians are at greater risk of abuse than others, with evidence

indicating that a woman’s role and work in parliament can be an aggravating factor. For instance,

belonging to an opposition party seems to increase a woman’s exposure

to abusive types of behaviour

and acts of sexist violence.

Research also indicates that a woman’s type of political activity (for instance,

working on “contentious” subjects such as women’s rights) and holding a position of power, such as a

leadership position, may worsen the level of violence directed against her.

Women parliamentarians are also at greater risk of experiencing violence if they have a certain identity

or are part of certain population groups. In these situations, the attacks are intersectional in nature,

driven by hatred towards multiple interconnected social categories like age, gender, race, and sexuality.

For instance, data from the 2018 IPU and PACE survey in Europe indicate that young women

parliamentarians are at greater risk than their older counterparts:

77% of young women parliamentarians reported being the subject of sexist and sexual remarks

(nine percentage points more than for all female parliamentarians surveyed);

76% of young women parliamentarians had experienced degrading treatment and abuse in the

media and social networks (18 percentage points more than for all female parliamentarians

surveyed); and

36% of young women parliamentarians had experienced sexual harassment (12 percentage

points more than for all female parliamentarians surveyed).

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

Ibid.

Amnesty International UK,

Black and Asian women MPs abused more online,

2017.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021;

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018; Ludovic Rheault,

et al. “Politicians

in the line of fire: Incivility and the treatment of women on social media,”

Research and Politics,

Vol. 1, Issue

7, January-March 2019.

Project Someone and UNESCO, “Online

Misogyny in Canadian Politics, Research Brief,”

January 2019; Rebecca Kuperberg,

“Intersectional

Violence against Women in Politics,”

Politics & Gender,

Vol. 14, Issue 4, December 2018.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Women who belonged to racial or religious minority groups were also disproportionately targeted, with

misogyny compounded by racism. The 2016 IPU study states that it received

“troubling testimony from

women politicians of foreign origin, especially in Europe, who have been particularly targeted by members

of far right parties.”

A 2019 Canadian study examined the case of Member of Parliament Iqra Khalid

who was targeted by hateful social media messages that contained misogyny, racism and Islamophobia.

Amnesty International UK’s 2017 report highlighted a racial dimension to the online violence faced by

women parliamentarians in the United Kingdom:

Diane Abbott, the United Kingdom’s

first black female Member of Parliament, was the recipient

of just over 45% of the abusive tweets analyzed in the report; and

If Ms. Abbott is excluded from the analysis, Black and Asian women members of Parliament still

received 35% more abusive tweets than white women members of Parliament.

Women who identified as members of the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer)

community were also at greater risk of violence. A 2019 Canadian study conducted by Project Someone

and UNESCO indicated that an openly lesbian politician received more negative comments than women

politicians who were straight, and the majority of these comments were not about her politics, but were

instead focused on her appearance and sexual orientation.

According to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, Other groups of women

parliamentarians which appear to experience disproportionate violence, but for which there is limited data

or research, include Indigenous women and women with disabilities.

100

Impact on the Political Sphere, Including Elected Assemblies

Sexism, harassment and violence against women politicians have a serious effect on women’s attempt to

participate in politics, either as voters, as candidates, or in elected assemblies. Many women leave politics

entirely, while others are discouraged from entering politics in the first place, while this is a worrying trend

also in journalism.

101

Harassment and violence targeting women in the political sphere may scare off girls

with political ambition and women who are seriously considering entering politics.

102

100

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians,

2016.

Project Someone and UNESCO, “Online

Misogyny in Canadian Politics, Research Brief,”

January 2019.

Amnesty International UK,

Black and Asian women MPs abused more online,

2017.

Project Someone and UNESCO, “Online

Misogyny in Canadian Politics, Research Brief,”

January 2019.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018 and National

Democratic Institute, “#NOTTHECOST:

Stopping Violence against Women in Politics,”

Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against

Women,

June 2018.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018; Special

Rapporteur on

violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations

General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

101

102

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The physical and mental impact of violence on women in the political sphere is similar in many ways to the

impact of abuse on women in journalism. A 2016 IPU study noted women parliamentarians in Europe who had

been subjected to physical, sexual or psychological violence felt distraught, humiliated, angered, saddened,

disoriented, or had experienced anxiety and sleep disorders. The same study notes that female parliamentary

staff who had been subjected to harassment or violence were fearful of losing their jobs, felt isolated and

abandoned, and were unable to work normally.

103

The impact of such violence goes beyond physical and mental health challenges; it is also a direct threat to

women’s freedom of speech and ability to advance their political priorities. It may lead women to reconsider

expressing their opinions, to be more cautious about the causes they support, or to attempt to be less visible.

As a result, violence restricts the visibility and influence of women in politics.

104

Of note, 33% of women

parliamentarians in Europe stated that the acts of violence to which they had been subjected had affected their

freedom of expression and scope for action during their time in office.

The study states that these women:

had decided to limit their presence on social networks or close their account,

thereby depriving themselves of outlets for conveying their ideas and debating

them. In short, their task as parliamentarians is being complicated by contempt,

violence and insecurity. On top of fighting for their ideas, they must also fight

for the right to have ideas, to be able to express themselves freely and to be

recognized as politicians and as human beings.

105

Violence against women in politics not only represents a threat to women, but to democracy itself.

106

If women cannot participate freely and safely as voters, candidates, election officials or party leaders,

the free, fair and inclusive democratic process is undermined.

107

Violence is a serious obstacle to the

smooth running of elected assemblies and their ability to serve as inclusive and representative forums

for all society. When parliamentary colleagues are the perpetrators of this violence, or do not intervene

to protect victims, the reputation and image of politicians and the elected institution as a whole are

tarnished. This can erode respect for elected assemblies, lead to a lack of trust in elected officials, and

affects how seriously the public views the work of politicians.

108

103

104

105

106

107

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

Rebecca Kuperberg, “Intersectional

Violence against Women in Politics,”

Politics & Gender,

Vol. 14, Issue 4, December 2018.

National Democratic Institute, International Foundation for Electoral Systems & US AID,

Violence Against Women in

Elections Online: A Social Media Analysis Tool,

September 2019.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

108

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

The underrepresentation of women in the political sphere is both caused and exacerbated by

discrimination and gender-based violence.

109

In turn, this underrepresentation negatively affects the

work of elected assemblies, who do not adequately incorporate the perspectives and experiences of 50%

of the global population. Around the world, women are still significantly underrepresented in

parliaments, despite advances in recent decades. Only 24 out of 57 OSCE participating States have

reached a level of 30% or more women’s representation in parliament –

a target established by the

Beijing Platform for Action and the Sustainable Development Agenda.

110

Until violence against women

politicians is sufficiently addressed, this significant lack of equal representation will persist.

BARRIERS TO ADDRESSING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS

AND POLITICIANS

There are several significant and complex barriers to addressing violence against women journalists

and politicians. To begin, women journalists and politicians underreport the violence they experience.

The 2018 IPU and PACE survey in Europe indicated that among women in the political sphere who had

been sexually harassed, only 24% of women parliamentarians and 6% of female staff members reported

the incident. Even more concerning, among women parliamentarians who had received threats of physical

violence, only 50% had reported the incidents to the police, security departments in parliament or

other authorities.

111

There are many reasons that women in journalism and politics often avoid reporting the threats and

attacks they face. There is a general stigma associated with general-based violence, and women may

worry that they will appear vulnerable or weak, which could be used as a reason to deny them opportunities.

In addition, many women state that the costs of reporting outweighed the benefits, as there may be doubt

that their superiors or the authorities will respond to their complaints.

112

Therefore, lack of institutional

support is an essential barrier, as it reinforces impunity, especially if attacks ocurr online and are

considered “not real”.

For women in politics, they may be viewed as politically disloyal if they address

109

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

Inter-Parliamentary

Union, “Situation

as of 1

October 2019,”

Women in National Parliaments;

and Inter-Parliamentary

Union, “Situation

as of 25 December 1997,”

Women in National Parliaments.

Inter-Parliamentary Union,

Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Europe,

2018.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018;

and National Democratic Institute, “#NOTTHECOST:

Stopping Violence against Women in Politics,”

Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against

Women,

June 2018.

110

111

112

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violence within their own party.

113

As well, workplaces may lack robust and safe reporting mechanisms

and services or codes of conduct to support victims of violence.

114

Another barrier to addressing this abuse is a lack of comparable, disaggregated data on violence against

women journalists and politicians. Without reliable collection efforts and standard indicators for

measuring the incidence of violence, it is challenging to prove that each case of violence is not an isolated

event, but rather an example of more widespread structural inequities and discrimination against

women in public life.

115

There are also significant barriers to obtaining justice for all women seeking to address gender-based

violence: re-victimization through the reporting and complaint process, a lack of support or guidance

from law enforcement officials, and a lack of access to appropriate legal aid and services.

116

Threats or

harassment

–

particularly when made online

– may be dismissed by authorities if they don’t cause

physical harm.

117

WAYS FORWARD TO ADDRESS VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS

AND POLITICIANS

The right of women to participate in public life is an internationally recognized human right.

The

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,

adopted by the UN

General Assembly in 1979,

specifies that State Parties “shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate

discrimination

against women in the political and public life of the country.”

118

In 2018, the OSCE

Ministerial Council adopted two landmark decisions on violence against women, including in the context

of professional activities and concerning women journalists in particular. In the MC Decision No. 3/18 on

the Safety of Journalists

119

, the OSCE participating States recognize “the distinct risks faced by women

journalists in relation to their work, including through digital technologies” and commit themselves to

113

Special Rapporteur on violence

against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

Council of Europe, “Women

in politics and in the public discourse: What role can national Parliaments play in combating the

increasing level of harassment and hate speech towards female politicians and parliamentarians?,”

Background document

for the European Conference of Presidents of Parliament, 24-25 October 2019; National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Council of Europe, “Women

in politics and in the public discourse: What role can national Parliaments play in combating the

increasing level of harassment and hate speech towards female politicians and parliamentarians?,”

Background document

for the European Conference of Presidents of Parliament, 24-25 October 2019; Special Rapporteur on violence against

women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third

session, 6 August 2018.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

Ibid.

UN Women,

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,

1979.

MC Decision No. 3/18 on the Safety of Journalists, 7 December 2018. Available at

https://www.osce.org/files/mcdec0003%20safety%20of%20journalists%20en.pdf

114

115

116

117

118

119

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“ensure their greatest possible safety” and to effectively address “the experiences and concerns of

women journalists”. The Decision also calls on the States “to condemn publicly and unequivocally attacks

on women journalists in relation to their work, such as sexual harassment, abuse, intimidation, threats

and violence, including through digital technologies”. In the MC Decision No. 4/18

120

on Preventing and

Combating Violence against Women, the OSCE participating States recognize that “women engaged in

professional activities with public exposure and/or in the interest of society, are more likely to be

exposed to specific forms of violence

or abuse, threats, and harassment, in relation to their work.” In

addition, the participating States commit themselves to ensure access to justice, and to take action to

address abuse, threats and harassment, including through digital technologies. On the international

stage, the OSCE and OSCE PA should be leaders and incorporate statements in resolutions and

declarations that recognize and call for action against the violence targeting women journalists

and politicians.

121

To date, the OSCE has done important work on the problem of violence against women in journalism and

politics. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, as part of their campaign for the Safety of

Female Journalists, launched a new Resource Guide that provides suggestions for State and non-State

actors to protect the safety of female journalists online. The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and

Human Rights has also been working to promote women’s political participation and gender equality.

122

Despite these excellent initiatives, there remains more work to be done by both the OSCE and the OSCE PA

to respond to this growing crisis; some suggested actions are provided below.

The Development and Revision of Legislation

Legislation is a key tool in protecting and seeking justice for women journalists and politicians.

Importantly, legal definitions of violence against women journalists and/or politicians can underscore

the unique nature of this crime.

123

The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes

and consequences

calls for the implementation of “laws to prohibit sexism, harassment and other forms

gender-based

violence against women in politics, public life and parliament.”

124

In addition, legislation should be revised or developed to address online violence against women,

which is overlooked in most legal frameworks.

125

As well, gender should be incorporated as a protected

characteristic in hate crime legislation, to allow for misogyny to be labelled and prosecuted as a hate

120

MC Decision No. 4/18 on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, 7 Decembver 2018. Available at

https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/e/e/406019.pdf.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

OSCE,

Safety of Female Journalists Online;

and OSCE,

Promoting women’s political participation and gender equality.

Juliana Restrepo Sanín, “The

Law and Violence against Women in Politics,”

Politics & Gender,

Vol. 14, Issue 4, December 2018.

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

National Democratic Institute, International Foundation for Electoral Systems & US AID,

Violence Against Women in

Elections Online: A Social Media Analysis Tool,

September 2019.

121

122

123

124

125

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crime.

126

Furthermore, electoral laws

–

whether existing or in development

–

should address violence

against women and its impact on the democratic process.

Finally, law enforcement agencies should improve their response to threats and violence against

women politicians and journalists by ensuring that they uphold legislation by investigating and

prosecuting crimes quickly.

127

The OSCE PA should develop guiding documents for the development and review of legislation by

parliamentarians with the specific goal of addressing the violence experienced by women journalists

and politicians.

Efforts Specific to Parliaments

Parliaments

–

including the parliaments of OSCE PA participating States

–

must also take action to

address violence against women politicians. The OSCE PA has a unique role in encouraging the

parliaments of its participating States to consider implementing several measures, as outlined below and

recommended by the National Democratic Institute. These include:

128

Establish or review existing parliamentary codes of conduct to ensure they incorporate gender

considerations and are effective in responding to violence against parliamentarians and staff;

Establish dedicated teams to investigate threats and abuse directed at members;

Create an independent office within parliament that deals with complaints related to violence

against women in politics;

Streamline harassment complaint processes in parliament;

Create a cross-party working group on sexual harassment that includes parliamentarians,

representatives of parliamentary staff, and sexual violence experts;

Provide gender sensitivity and sexual harassment training

–

and consider making it compulsory

–

to parliamentarians; and

Conduct a confidential survey of parliamentarians’ experience with violence.

129

In addition, parliamentarians can take a number of actions themselves:

126

127

They should promote media and digital literacy among their citizens, which will include raising

awareness of the growing problem of violence against women journalists and politicians;

Ibid.

OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights,

Compendium of Good Practices for Advancing Women’s

Political Participation in the OSCE Region,

2016.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Ibid.

128

129

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They should support efforts to increase expertise on the phenomenon by supporting funding for

research and dialogue;

media sector, the public, and civil society, as well as international and regional intergovernmental

bodies and academia; and

They should condemn all attacks targeting women journalists and politicians, as will be discussed in

the next section on “men as allies.”

n the process of reviewing, reforming or making laws, parliamentarians should consult with the

Men as Allies

As well, to tackle this crisis, women journalists and politicians need men to act as allies in the fight to

address violence in their fields. Men still comprise the majority of decision makers in these fields,

and as

such, they are important actors who must acknowledge that this is not a “woman’s problem.”

As bystanders, male colleagues should offer support and assistance when they see a woman colleague

threatened or abused, whether in person or online.

Furthermore, many male journalists and politicians must examine their own behaviour, as they may be

contributing to the problem. In many cases, men must recognize the ways in which they uphold toxic

masculinity and that they are entrenched in a patriarchal system associated with violence against

women.

130

All male journalists and politicians must reflect and ask themselves:

“Could my behaviour constitute harassment or abuse?”;

“Are

my actions or words promoting abuse against a female colleague or am I emboldening the

perpetrators of abuse?”; and

“Have I witnessed acts of violence without intervening to offer support to my female colleague?”

According to the IPU’s 2016 survey of female

parliamentarians, 65.5% of respondents said they had been

subjected to humiliating sexist remarks, the majority of which were made by male colleagues

–

from both

their own parties and the opposition. As an example, Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the

United States has been harassed publicly by a number of male colleagues.

131

Efforts to end violence against women and to advance gender equality benefit from men’s participation

and collaboration. For instance, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems has developed the

Male Allies for Leadership Equality training module, which works simultaneously to sensitize women

and men to the importance of working together to lead political processes and democratic development

and includes a practical approach on how to share power.

132

The OSCE PA should collaborate with media

130

ACE project: the Electoral Knowledge Network, “Civil

Society Advocacy for Gender Equality in Politics and Inclusive

Participation in the Electoral Process,”

Gender and Elections.

Abby Ohlheiser, “How

much more abuse do female politicians face? A lot.,”

MIT Technology Review,

6 October 2020;

John Wagner

and Felicia Sonmez, “Rep.

Yoho apologizes for Capitol Hill confrontation with Rep. Ocasio-Cortez,”

The Washington Post,

22 July 2020.

International Foundation for Electoral Systems, “Violence

against Women in Politics,”

IFES Submission to the OHCHR

Special Rapporteur,

May 2018.

131

132

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and political institutions to develop interventions that encourage men to act as allies to end all forms of

violence against women in journalism and politics.

Data Collection

While this report contains data on violence against women journalists and politicians, there is a need to

develop and maintain efforts to collect statistics on the prevalence of violence against women journalists

and politicians in the OSCE region. This data should be collected using the same methodologies, such as

common definitions and indicators.

133

Without quality data, it is challenging to identify the perpetrators

and measure progress or setbacks over time.

134

The collection of data is also critical for awareness-raising

initiatives, in order to recognize in the institutions and among the general public the widespread nature

of the problem of violence against women politicians and journalists.

The OSCE PA should lead efforts to collect and publish data on abuse targeting women journalists and

politicians. It is important that such data collection efforts use representative samples, which include

women of all different backgrounds, to analyze the differential impact of violence on certain groups

of women.

135

Support Services for Women Journalists and Politicians

Women journalists and politicians need access to services that provide guidance, advice and support

when they experience violence. Workplaces, in both media and political institutions, should provide

survivor-centred and trauma-informed supports and resources for victims of violence and harassment.

In addition, workplaces should advance the development of formal or informal networks for women

in journalism or the political sphere to connect and support one another when dealing with violence.

136

Furthermore, governments should

provide sustainable funding to women’s organizations that fight to

end gender-based violence and offer support services to women survivors, including women journalists

and politicians.

The OSCE PA should consider developing a group for women parliamentarians of OSCE PA participating

States who have experienced violence. This group, if created, could provide women with peer support

and access to services, and it could be consulted by the wider membership of the OSCE PA on relevant

issues.

133

Julie Ballington,

“Turning

the Tide on Violence against Women in Politics: How are We Measuring Up?,”

Politics & Gender,

Vol. 14, Issue 4, December 2018.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

UN Women, “Data

and Violence against Women in Politics,”

Expert Group Meeting Report and Recommendations,

New York,

4-5 December 2019.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

134

135

136

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Election Observation Missions

Election observation missions are an excellent opportunity to protect women from violence in the

political sphere. The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences

calls on election observation missions to

“include information in mission reports on the number or

percentage of women who vote and are elected and quantitative and qualitative data on violence against

women in politics and elections throughout electoral processes; and train election observers.”

137

The OSCE PA has played a leading role in election observations across the OSCE region since 1993. In its

future electoral observation missions, the OSCE PA should ensure that gender considerations

are integrated into its work and that women are able to participate in elections

–

as voters, observers,

or media representatives

–

without fear or threat of violence.

138

As a leader in election observation, the OSCE PA should also conduct research, specific to the OSCE region,

and publish a guide on how to address violence against women during the electoral process. In addition,

the OSCE PA should provide training to election observers to detect and report acts of violence against

women in politics.

139

The Women, Peace and Security Agenda

Addressing violence against women journalists and politicians should also be incorporated into the

United Nations Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security (WPS). The International

Foundation for Electoral Systems calls for extending the interpretation of the WPS agenda to include

women’s participation in post-conflict

democratization processes. They state that:

women’s leadership in conflict prevention, management, and resolution and in

post-conflict relief and recovery efforts does not end with the signing of a peace

treaty: democratization processes are equally vital for achieving the WPS

objectives.

140

The OSCE PA should encourage our OSCE counterparts to incorporate this perspective

–

that

women’s

participation as journalists and politicians in post-conflict democratization processes is key to the

success of the WPS agenda

–

when promoting and supporting the WPS agenda in the OSCE region.

137

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its

causes and consequences, “Violence

against women in politics,”

United Nations General Assembly,

Seventy-third session, 6 August 2018.

National Democratic Institute,

#NOTTHECOST: Stopping Violence Against Women in Politics, A Renewed Call to Action,

2021.

Ibid.

International Foundation for Electoral Systems, “Violence

against Women in Politics,”

IFES Submission to the

OHCHR Special Rapporteur,

May 2018.

138

139

140

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CONCLUSION

Gender-based violence should not be the cost for women seeking to work in the public sphere. The impact

of such violence goes well beyond physical and mental health challenges. Hence, different layers of

impact are a

direct threat to women’s freedom of speech and ability to advance their political priorities.

Consider the women who will never become journalists or politicians, or who will leave these fields

prematurely, because of threats and violence. In these situations, important stories are never told, and

significant pieces of legislation are never written or debated. The OSCE PA and its participating States

must celebrate the strength and resilience of women journalists and politicians, and at the same time,

step up its efforts to support and protect these women. As parliamentarians, we must lead such efforts

and examine what actions our parliaments can take to address the growing crisis of violence against

women journalists and politicians.

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PART II

GENDER BALANCE IN THE OSCE GOVERNMENTAL STRUCTURES

The PART II of the report provides the analysis of gender balance within the OSCE governmental

structures, based on the statistics provided by the Gender Section and the Department of Human

Resources of the Office of the Secretary General of the OSCE. The data outlines the representation of

women and men in the OSCE Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations as of 31 December 2020

141

Excluding the staff members of the Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM)

142

, at the end of 2020

the OSCE staff amounted to 2,184 members, with women representing 48,63% of the total workforce.

This demonstrates a slight increase from the previous year (48,40%) and 2018 (48,10%) in female

staff’s share of the Organization.

143

As seen in the

Figure 1,

women’s share in General Service Staff grew

from 48,20% in 2019 to 48,90% in 2020, as well as in Senior Management Staff (from 27,20% in 2019

to 35,71% in 2020), while it slightly dropped in terms of their number in Professional Staff

–

from

50,10% in 2019 to 50,00% in 2020.

General Service Staff

50.30%

47.60%

Professional Staff

50.10%

Senior Management

48.90%

48.20%

50.00%

2020

2018

27%

2019

Figure 1

–

Positions Held by Women in the OSCE in 2018, 2019 and 2020 without SMM Staff (%)

In terms of the OSCE staff (including the staff members of SMM),

144

as of 31 December 2020, the OSCE

employed 3,479 staff, with women representing 41,88% of the total workforce and men 58,12%.

141

142

Hence, the reporting period of this report section is 1 January 2020

–

31 December 2020.

To provide a more comprehensive overview of the gender balance within the OSCE, the report provides the analyses both

including and excluding SMM staff. This is due to their high share in the overall OSCE staff. At the end of 2020, OSCE employed

1,295 staff in SMM, and 3,479 in total.

See Table A.1 in Appendix A.

See Table A.2 in Appendix A.

143

144

27.20%

35.71%

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Compared to 2019, the overall representation of women was enlarged for 0,18% - their share in 2018

amounted to 41,40% and in 2019 41,70%. As demonstrated in the

Figure 2

below, in 2020 this

percentage was raised to 41,88%.

TOTAL

41.88%

58.12%

35.93%

64.07%

35.52%

64.48%

SENIOR MANAGEMENT

PROFESSIONAL STAFF

GENERAL SERVICE STAFF

48.69%

51.31%

Women

Men

Figure 2

–

Post Distribution in the OSCE Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations by Staff

Category including SMM Staff in 2020 (%)

The overall strongest female representation in the Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations was

noted among the General Service staff (48,69%), followed by Professional Staff positions (National

Professional Officers, P1 to P4, S, S1 and S2)

145

where women represented 35,52% of the total

workforce. In 2020, Senior Management positions continued to be held primarily by men (65,23%),

while women’s representation, despite being the lowest compared to the other two staff categories,

accounts for 34,73%. Within the Secretariat and Institutions, women held 13 out of the total 33 senior

management positions (39,39%), which represents a significant increase compared to 2019, when only

25% of these positions were held by women.

146

OSCE Leadership

In December 2020, Ms. Helga Maria Schmid (Germany) was appointed to the post of Secretary General

of the OSCE for a three-year term, while Ms. Teresa Ribeiro (Portugal) was appointed as the fifth

Representative on Freedom of the Media. At the same time, Mr. Matteo Mecacci (Italy) took up a mandate

of a Director of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and Mr. Kairat

145

The OSCE offers fixed term contracts for positions at the Secretariat, Institutions, and to a limited extent and mainly in the

area of administration, at its field operations. Remuneration package and terms of employment are similar to those of the

United Nations Common System: General Service (G1 to G7), Professional Staff (NPOs, S, S1, S2, P1 to P4) and Senior

Management Staff (S3+, P5+, D, Heads and Deputy Heads of Field Operations and Institutions).

See Table A.3 in Appendix A.

146

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Abdrakhmanov (Kazakhstan) of OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. Hence, as of

December 2020, two out of four Heads of Institutions (including the Secretary General) are women.

Looking at Heads of Missions, only the Head of the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina

(Ambassador Kathleen Kavalec) is a post held by a woman compared to 13 men holding such positions.

At the moment of the drafting of this report (June 2021), the post of the Head of the OSCE Mission to

Montenegro is yet to be filled.

OSCE Secretariat

147

In total, as of 31 December 2020, women accounted for 53,85%

of the OSCE Secretariat’s workforce

presenting a decrease of 0,75% compared to 2019 (54,60%) and a decrease of 4,55% since 2018

(58,40%).

When it comes to seconded positions (S) in Secretariat, female representation displayed a slight

increase (0,9%) with a surge in absolute figures (from 39 in 2019 to 43 in 2020). In 2020, the number

of women in Professional and Senior Management Positions in Secretariat (P1-P5, D1, D2 and Heads of

Institutions) rose by 1,58% (from 43,80% to 45,38%). This percentage, however, still represents less

than half of positions of this kind in the Secretariat. For instance,

in 2018, women’s share in Professional

and Senior Management Positions in Secretariat was significantly higher and amounted to 53,40%.

Furthermore, in 2020, 4 director-level positions (D1 and D2) were held by women and 3 by men (9 in

total). In 2019, no women were staffing neither D1 nor D2 positions, while in 2018 2 out of 6 such

positions were held by women 18

148

. As mentioned before, the post of the Secretary General is since

December 2020 held by a woman, which represents a significant change in the gender balance of this

post

–

up to December 2020 it was always (since 1993) held by a man.

Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)

149

In 2020, women represented the 60,14% of the total workforce in the Office for Democratic Institutions

and Human Rights (ODIHR), thus measuring a decrease of 0,70% since the previous reporting period.

Nonetheless, this represents the second highest female representation among the OSCE Secretariat and

Institutions after Office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). More than 3 out of 4

General Service positions (76,93%) were held by women, up from 71,21 in 209 and 68,8% in 2018.

Female seconded personnel amounted for 69% in 2020, increased by 2% since 2019 and by 17% since

2018. The overall number of female employees in the professional category (including P1-P5, D1, D2

and Heads of Institutions) shrunk to 41,79%, representing a 5,67% drop since the last reporting period

(47,46%). As mentioned before, the Head of ODIHR is a man.

147

148

149

See Table A.4 in Appendix A.

D-level appointments of 2020 do not appear in the Appendix A.5 graph.

See Table A.5 in Appendix A.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM)

150

In 2020, women represented 69,44% of the workforce in HCNM, measuring the highest female

representation among the Secretariat and Institutions. Women held 75% of S-level positions, a slight

drop compared to the 80% reported in 2019, but an overall increase from 2018, when 66,70% of such

posts were held by women. Concerning P1 to P5 positions, 9 out of 13 of them were held by women.

Taking into account professional category positions overall (including P1-P5, D1, D2 and Heads of

Institutions) women were represented by 60% of employees, marking a significant surge from the

33,3% in 2018 and 43,75% in 2019 to 60% in 2020. As of December 2020, the position of the Head of

Institution as of December 2020 is held by a man.

Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media (RFoM)

151

In 2020, the workforce of the Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media (RFoM) remained

predominantly composed of women (68,75%). Their representation in S-level positions accounted for

4 (out of 5), and 3 out of 5 P-level positions were held by women. D-level position remained without

female representation, while the Head of the Institution, as of December 2020, is a woman.

Seconded Posts in the Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations

152

As of 31 December 2020, the OSCE as a whole had a total of 1,158 seconded staff members from 47

participating States, out of which 27,46% were women and 72,54% men. The seconding States with the

highest percentage of female secondees were Iceland and Slovenia (1 women out of 1 secondee,

representing 100%), followed by Norway (14 women out of 24, representing 58,33%), and Switzerland

(7 women out of 12, representing 58,33%). The parity among seconded posts was achieved for the

secondees of the Netherlands (4 women and 4 men) and Ukraine (1 woman and 1 man).

The seconded staff of 8 participating States lacked female participation entirely

–

Belarus (8 men),

Belgium (3 men), Estonia (3 men), Kazakhstan (6 men), Latvia (4 men), Liechtenstein (1 man), Lithuania

(2 men), and Mongolia (1 man). The widest gender gaps in favor of men were observed among the staff

seconded by the Russian Federation (4% of women

–

2 out of 50 secondees), Greece (4,17% - 1 out of

24 secondees) and Turkey (5,88% of women

–

1 out of 17 secondees).

Field Operations: Gender Balance of Staff Members

153

As of 31 December 2020, the OSCE comprised 16 Field Missions with a grand total of 2,975 staff

members, out of which women represented 39,29% and men 60,71%. The positions within Field

Operations included a certain number of local staff members (G1 to G7), Professional staff including

locally-employed NPO staff, seconded staff (S1 and S2) and internationally employed P1 to P4 staff, as

150

151

152

153

See Table A.6 in Appendix A.

See Table A.7 in Appendix A.

See Table A.8 in Appendix A. Please note that seconded SMM members are included.

See Table A.9 in Appendix A.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

well as Senior Managements Staff (internationally employed), including S3 and higher, P5 and higher,

Directors, Deputy Heads and Heads of Field Operations.

In December 2020, the largest staffed OSCE Field Operations were traditionally the Special Monitoring

Mission to Ukraine (1,295 members, including 30,61% of women and 68,39% men) and the Mission in

Kosovo, (435 members, including 35,63% of women and 64,37% men). Hence, these two largest

Missions held similar gender balance percentages as in the previous year.

The OSCE Field Operations with the highest proportion of employed women in December 2020

continued to be the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine (64,50%), the OSCE Mission to Montenegro

(61%), the OSCE Presence in Albania (6,44%) as well as the OSCE Mission to Serbia (53%). Other Field

Operations where women represented the majority of the workforce included the OSCE Project Co-

ordinator in Uzbekistan (51,50%) and the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina (51%).

In 2020, a majority of the OSCE Field Operations managed to maintain a close to equal gender balance

–

40-60% of posts were held by women. There were, however, some exceptions, where the representation

of women among the OSCE staff was below 40%, including the OSCE Mission to Kosovo (35,63% of staff

were women), the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (30,61%), the Personal Representative

of the CiO on the Conflict dealt with by the Minsk Conference (29,50%) and the Observer Mission at the

two Russian Checkpoints (22%).

Within Field Operations

154

, women represented 45,16% of General Service Staff

155

(a slight drop

compared to 44,70% in 2019) and 34,07% of Professional Staff

156

(also representing a decrease

compared to 34,20% in 2019). Looking at the Senior Management Staff positions, there has been a surge

in the percentage of represented women

–

33,58% of such posts were held by women, compared to

21,5% in 2019 and 28,5% in 2018.

Latest Gender-related Developments in the OSCE

The OSCE has a long-standing commitment to the principle of gender equality in its internal structures,

established by the 2004 Gender Action Plan (GAP). Its Programme for Gender Issues provides guidance

and expertise to ensure that gender mainstreaming is applied in all programmes, projects and activities

throughout the Secretariat, Institutions and Field Operations. Gender parity, the equal representation of

women and men at all levels of the organization, is outlined as an explicit goal of the Organization.

Currently, the Programme for Gender Issues works with the Department of Human Resources to develop

and implement measures according to the OSCE Gender Parity Strategy to attain equal representation of

women and men by 2026. The Strategy establishes clear objectives covering the entire Organization and

aims to foster an inclusive, enabling work environment and a bias-free work culture, in order to enhance

talent management and to increase leadership and accountability as mutually re-enforcing streams of

work. It introduces more robust gender equitable selection processes and provides for systematic

154

155

156

See Table A.10 in Appendix A.

Positions from G1 to G7.

Positions including NPOs, S1, S2, P1 to P4.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

monitoring to hold hiring managers accountable. Initial results have been positive, although the number

of women in senior management positions (S4 and P5 and above) remains low.

On a similar note, the

Third Gender Equality Review Conference (GERC)

was organized on-line on 27

and 28 October 2020, serving as a platform for experts to discuss progress and challenges, share good

practices and lessons learned, and identify recommendations for moving forward with the

implementation of OSCE gender equality commitments in a changing political and economic global

context. The Final Report

157

from the Conference outlined following recommendations for OSCE

Executive Structures:

Increase gender parity among staff, particularly in field missions, and at decision-making levels;

Transform organizational culture that promotes equality through gender awareness trainings

and leadership actions;

Ensure that working conditions across all executive structures promote equality for all staff

Enhance accountability of managers to promoting gender equality;

Enhance the level of mainstreaming gender perspective in policies, programmes and projects

across executive structures.

Furthermore, the OSCE Secretary General’s 2020 Annual Progress Report

158

on the Implementation of

the OSCE 2004 Action Plan on the Promotion of Gender Equality outlines that, despite the challenging

circumstances posed by the outbreak of COVID-19, the OSCE witnessed important achievements towards

gender equality. Those include the following:

Provision of support to women in vulnerable situations:

The bulk of the OSCE’s

COVID-19

response in 2020 focused on the prevention of domestic violence, access to essential services

and support to women who have experienced violence. An estimated number of 4,600 women

benefitted from the OSCE’s practical assistance during the pandemic.

More knowledge and better analysis of gender equality in the OSCE area:

Against the

background of the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, and the

20th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, the

OSCE undertook important gender equality-related analytical work assessing the state of gender

equality in its region. This included the preparation of thematic discussion papers, providing

evidence on the implementation of gender equality-related commitments and informing the

discussions at the OSCE’s Third GERC

mentioned above. The Gender Issues Programme also

carried out the study

“Implementing

the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in the OSCE

Region”

assessing national action plans on WPS, and proposing recommendations.

157

Third OSCE Gender Equality Review

https://www.osce.org/secretariat/475580.

Conference

Final

Report,

January

2021.

Available

158

2020 Annual Progress Report on the Implementation of the OSCE 2004 Action Plan on the Promotion of Gender Equality

(Towards Gender Equality in the OSCE), July 2021.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

More women in the OSCE leadership:

A milestone on the way to full parity in the

Organization’s leadership was attained

with the increased representation of women in senior

management (S4/P5 and above) in 2020.

Better skills for gender equality:

The number of staff exposed to training related to gender

equality was particularly high in 2020 due to the introduction of mandatory e-learning training

on gender equality and the increased reliance on online formats. Moreover, the Gender Issues

Programme conducted an organization-wide capacity assessment, which provides the baseline

for future training activities and a more systematic approach towards building institutional

capacities in gender mainstreaming.

FEMALE REPRESENTATION IN THE SPECIAL MONITORING MISSION TO

UKRAINE

Gender Equality Action Plan

To address the gender aspects of the work of the mission and to incorporate gender mainstreaming in

the SMM agenda and activities, the SMM Gender Focal Point (GFP) Network was introduced in 2015. The

Network is led by the Senior Gender Adviser Kyiv, who co-ordinates the efforts of all the GFPs in the field.

In 2016, SMM developed the first Gender Equality Action Plan (GEAP) as a part of its overall strategy and

had three key objectives: integration of gender equality principles into the SMM structures and working

environment; gender mainstreaming in the SMM monitoring and reporting work and in the other

mandated activities; coordination and liaising with international and national stakeholders, including

civil society, on gender equality issues.

159

In April 2021, the SMM launched its new GEAP covering the

period from April 2021 to March 2023.

160

The 2021-2023 plan has an internal and an external dimension

–

the first places a particular emphasis on the promotion of a professional working environment, while

the other

is focused on incorporating a gender perspective into the SMM’s monitoring and reporting

efforts, whilst aiming at enhancing the Mission’s engagement with

women working towards peace and

security in eastern Ukraine.

161

159

OSCE,

2016 Annual Progress Report on the Implementation of the OSCE 2004 Action Plan on the Promotion of Gender

Equality,

p. 30.

The information contained in this parapgraph was provided in June 2021 by the OSCE staff working on gender-related issues

in SMM.

Objectives of the 2021-2023 GEAP are the following: Part A (Promoting gender parity and a gender-sensitive and inclusive

work environment): 1) The SMM closely analyzes and actively promotes gender parity in its workforce; 2) The SMM,

especially its managers, promote gender equality and a professional working environment; 3) here is a continuous and

relevant flow of infor- mation about gender equality and the professional working environment to all MMs. Part B

(Integrating a gender perspective into SMM’s engagements and products): 1) The SMM actively encourages and

practices

gen- der-sensitive monitoring, reporting and briefing; 2)

The SMM’s Gender Expert Structure (GES) is further

professionalized; 3) There is a solid flow of information about gender equality and specific gender issues to external

audiences.

160

161

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Gender Balance Among the SMM Staff Members

As of 31 December 2020, the SMM comprised 1,295 staff members, of which 30,53% were women and

69,47% men.

162

Hence, women represented less than a third of employees in this Mission. To achieve gender

parity, the SMM has continuously encouraged participating States to nominate female candidates for

managerial positions in the Mission. However, also in 2020, the number of women-held managerial and

professional positions remained low. More specifically, women represented 48,04% of G-level positions,

21,57% of Professional Staff positions and 35,72% of Senior Management positions.

GENDER BALANCE AMONG THE VIENNA-BASED AMBASSADORS AND

PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES TO THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL

The analysis of the gender balance among the OSCE Ambassadors and Permanent Representatives

–

presented in the following Section

–

shows the representation of women and men among the

Ambassadors/Permanent Representatives to the OSCE Permanent Council based in Vienna as of June

2021. It includes the Ambassadors/Permanent Representatives of the 57 participating States (plus the

EU Ambassador), the Ambassadors of the eleven OSCE Partners for Co-Operation and the Ambassador of

the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly.

At the time of the drafting of this report there were 70 Permanent Representations to the OSCE

Permanent Council, with women representing 35,72% and men 64,28% of the total number, as

demonstrated in the

Figure 3.

This shows an increase by 5,89% in female representation compared to

the data from the previous reporting period (2019).

163

35.72%

64.28%

Women

Men

Figure 3

–

Ambassadors/Permanent Representatives to the OSCE Permanent Council as of June

2021

162

163

See Table A.11 in Appendix A.

See Table A.12 in Appendix A.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

GENDER BALANCE IN THE OSCE PA

During the Vilnius Annual Session in 2009, the Standing Committee amended the OSCE PA’s Rules of

Procedure, agreeing to introduce a new sub-clause to Rule 1 stating that

“each national Delegation should

have both genders represente

d.”

164

Furthermore, in 2011, the OSCE PA adopted a Resolution

on “Women’s

representation at the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly”

165

urging national parliaments to enhance the

representation of women in the national delegations to the OSCE PA. The Resolution noted with concern that,

in February 2011, 17 of the 57 national delegations to the OSCE PA were comprised of men only. Moreover,

it indicated that only ten delegations were headed by women, as well as that out of the 307 delegates at the

time, only 73 (23,7%) of them were women.

Since adoption of the above-mentioned resolution, positive efforts have been achieved by the national

delegations to improve the gender balance within the Parliamentary Assembly. At the time of drafting of this

report

166

, there were 3 delegations primarily comprised by men

–

Croatia, Malta and Turkey.

167

Furthermore, the OSCE PA has been particularly engaged in reinforcing and expanding dialogue on gender-

related topics while promoting the consideration of gender perspectives in all parliamentary and legislative

work of the OSCE participating States. During the Annual Session held in Luxembourg in 2019, gender-related

resolutions accounted for 2 out of the 15 adopted in total by OSCE PA members

168

. These reflected key and

timely relevant topics such as on the advantages of the digitalization process on gender policies as well as on

gender and youth-related considerations in climate change policy agendas.

In 2020, following the COVID-19 heath crisis and its effect on rising incidents of domestic violence across the

region, the OSCE PA, together with the OSCE Secretariat and ODIHR urged governments to consider specific

measures in order to ensure the protection of women and children

169

. In parallel, as part of its series of

Parliamentary Web Dialogues initiated as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the OSCE PA dedicated

several Dialogues

specifically to the topics of “Gendered impacts of the health crisis”, “Parliamentarians and

journalists: partners against corruption” and “Evidence-based

lawmaking in combating violence against

women”.

170

The OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues, Dr. Hedy Fry, actively took part in the

above-mentioned Parliamentary Web Dialogues moderating and/or reporting on gender-related

developments amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

164

Also present in OSCE PA Rules of Procedure, 21 March 2020. Available at

https://www.oscepa.org/ru/dokumenty/rules-

of-procedure/1832-rules-of-procedure-english/file.

OSCE PA Resolution on Women’s Representation at the OSCE

Parliamentary Assembly, 20th Annual Session, 6-10 July 2011.

Available at

https://www.oscepa.org/en/documents/annual-sessions/2011-belgrade/declaration-4/3030-belgrade-

resolutions-eng/file.

June 2021.

See Table A.18 in Appendix A.

See OSCE PA

2019 Luxembourg Declaration.

Press Release,

April 2, 2020.

The full list is available in Section I of Part II of this Report.

165

166

167

168

169

170

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Member Directory Statistics

171

The membership of the OSCE PA continues to be dominated by male representation in June 2021, as in

the previous years. Almost, almost three quarters of both regular OSCE PA Members, including Heads of

Delegation and Deputy Member of Delegations, as well as OSCE PA Alternate Members are men

–

holding

a combined number of 384 out of 588 positions (65,42%). As seen on the

Figure 4,

female

representation to the Assembly accounts for 34,58%. At the time of drafting of this report, there were

three Delegations in which female delegates outnumbered their male collegues

–

Albania, Norway, and

Canada. Delegations of Belgim, Liecthenstein, Monaco, Serbia, Uzbekistan have currently achieved

absolute gender parity among their members. Secretaries of Delegations remained predominantly

women (54 out of 85), representing the majority (63,53%) of positions in this category.

172

34.58%

Female Members

65.42%

Male Members

Figure 4

–

Gender Balance of the OSCE PA Members (HoD, DHoD, Members, Alternate Members) as

of June 2021

In terms of composition of the staff of the OSCE PA International Secretariat, as of June 2021, it amounts

to 12 female staff members (46,15%) and 14 male (53,85%), including the permanent staff, as well as

Research Assistants.

Figure 5

below demonstrates the OSCE PA sex disagreggated data as of June 2021,

including Members, Alternate Members, Secretaries of Delegations and the OSCE PA Staff.

236

119

Members

Alternate Members

Male

Female

Secretaries

OSCE PA staff

Figure 5

–OSCE

PA sex-disaggregated as of June 2021

171

172

The OSCE PA Member Directory is available on request from the International Secretariat.

See Table A.13 in Appendix A. Co-Secretaries and Deputy of Delegation have also been included in this category.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Initiative to Boost Women’s Participation

Since 2011, national delegations to the OSCE PA

have taken up efforts to increase their memberships’

compliance with Article 1.4 of the OSCE PA Rules of Procedure

173

. Throughout the years, this has led to

a significant decrease in the number of delegations with no female representation. As visible on

Figure

the number dropped from 17 in 2011 to 10 in 2012 and 2013, and further to 9 in 2014, before rising

again to 10 in 2015. This trend shrunk to 6 in 2016 and 2017. As of June 2021, 3 delegations remain

without female representatives

–

Croatia, Malta, and Turkey.Hence, during the past 10 years, a number

of male-dominated delegations experienced a considerable decrease.

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

2020

2021

Figure 6

–

Number of delegations with no female members (2011

–

2021)

As of June 2021, there were 16 OSCE PA national delegations led by women, a number increased by one

compared to the previous reporting period (there were 15 women as Heads of Delegations in 2019).

Gender balance in the Bureau

The Bureau of the OSCE PA is composed of the President, 9 Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer, and the

President Emeritus, as well as the 3 Officers of each of the General Committees. As of June 2021, three

positions for Vice-Presidents remain vacant. The Bureau is comprised 18 members

–

5 of whom are

female

–

providing for a 72,22% to 27,78% ratio in favour for male members. Compared to 2020 sex-

disaggregated data of the Bureau members, there has been an increase by 2,78% in the female

representation. Nonetheless, as seen on the

Figure 8,

the numbers of 2021 still remain bellow the

targeted goal of 30% suggested in 2011.

174

173

OSCE PA Rules of Procedure. Available at

https://www.oscepa.org/en/documents/rules-of-procedure/1832-rules-of-

procedure-english/file.

Please see Address by Dr. Hedy Fry, Special Representative on Gender Issues to the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly,

Winter Meeting, 24–25 February 2011, Vienna, Austria.

174

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Women

Men

President

Vice-Presidents

Treasurer

President

Emeritus

First Committee

Second

Committee

Third

Committee

Figure 8

–

Gender Balance of OSCE PA Bureau Members as of June 2021

Female Presidents and Vice-Presidents in the OSCE PA

The statistics regarding gender balance among the positions of OSCE PA Presidents and Vice-Presidents

have varied throughout the time. In May 2017, the President of the OSCE PA was a woman, Ms. Christine

Muttonen (Austria), and among the eight Vice-Presidents only one, Isabel Santos (Portugal), was female.

Since November 2017, the OSCE PA President was Mr. George Tsereteli (Georgia) until December 2020

when Peter Lord Bowness assumed his post until the Annual Session 2021. At the time of drafting of this

report, 2 out of the 9 Vice-President positions were held by female delegates, Ms. Margareta Cederfelt

(Sweden) and Ms. Kari Henriksen (Norway), decreased by 1 since 2019. Ms. Doris Barnett (Germany)

was replaced by Mr. Peter Juel-Jensen (Denmark) as a Treasurer for the Bureau.

175

Officers of the OSCE PA General Committees

Due to the cancellation of the Annual Session 2020, the composition of the Officers of the General

Committees remained unchanged since the last reporting period. In June 2021, female members hold 3

out of the total 9 Committee officer posts, whereas they held 4 positions in 2019 and 2 positions in 2018.

Since March 2020, 1 female delegate, Ms. Doris Barnett (Germany) is holding the position of Chair of the

Second Committee.

Female Participation in the OSCE PA Annual Sessions and Winter Meetings

The charts below show the percentage of female parliamentarians who participated in the OSCE PA

Annual Sessions (Figure

and Winter Meetings (Figure

10).

With regards to the female participation

in OSCE PA Annual Sessions, the highest participation of women was noted in 2014, when 29% of

participants were female. As demonstrated in the Figure 9, the female parliamentarian participation in

Annual Sessions since 2010 has varied only slightly

–

between 21% and 29%. Taking into account that

due to COVID-19 pandemic the 2020 Annual Session did not take place, the latest available data on

female participation stems from 2019.

175

See Table A.14 in Appendix A.

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24.50%

21.00%

25.00%

27.00%

29.00%

25.70%

26.80%

25.70%

28.00%

26.00%

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

Figure 9

–

% Female Parliamentarian Participation in OSCE PA Annual Sessions 2010–2019

The overall percentage of female participation in the OSCE Winter Meetings

176

has decreased since the

2014 OSCE PA Winter Meeting, which saw the highest percentage of female participants in the last ten

years (30%).

177

However, since 2016, female participation is presenting a growing trend. As shown in

the

Figure 10,

the 2021 Winter Meeting, which was held online, witnessed the highest percentage of

female delegates (28,77%) among the last six sessions (2016

–

2021). As this was the only virtual Winter

Meeting since the establishment of the OSCE PA, it is difficult to draw any conclusions pertaining to the

variation in gender balance among participants due to the online format of the event.

35%

30%

25%

20%

15%

10%

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

2020

2021

22%

25%

24%

27.90%

30%

25.30%

23.70%

23.30%

26.30%

28.77%

27.10%

Figure 10

–

Female parliamentarian participation in OSCE PA Winter Meetings 2010–2021 (%)

176

177

See Table A.16 in Appendix A.

See OSCE PA Gender Balance Report, July 2014.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Female Participation in the OSCE PA Election Monitoring 2019–2020

178

Every year, OSCE PA Election Observation Missions (EOM) are composed of women and men. The

figures concerning female participation in OSCE PA election monitoring show that during the 2020-2021

reporting period, the overall number of female observers was 56 (~23%), representing approximately

a quarter of the total number of observers deployed (239) during the year.

Female

23.81% (17)

Male 74.83%

(51)

Figure 11

–

Female Participation in the OSCE PA Election Monitoring 2020-2021 (%)

179

Overall, during the 2020-2021 reporting period, female members held approximately 45% of election

observation leadership positions, comprising Special Co-ordinators designated by the Chairman-in-Office

to lead short-term observers and Heads of OSCE PA observation missions. As demonstrated in

Figure

11,

eight EOMs organized in 2020 and 2021 (until June), were staffed by 23,81% female and 74,83%

male delegates. For a more detailed breakdown for each EOM, please consult

Figure 12

below.

Figure 12

–

Female Delegate Representation in Election Monitoring 2020–2021 (%)

178

179

See Table A.17 in Appendix A.

Note: Diagram includes Heads of delegations, Special Co-ordinators of delegations and Members of delegations. Diagram

covers OSCE PA Election Monitoring as of 1 June 2021.

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Permanent Staff of the OSCE PA International Secretariat

Currently, the permanent staff of the OSCE PA International Secretariat, including the Vienna Liaison

Office, is comprised of 26 individuals, of whom 12 are female staff members, increased by 2 since the

last reporting period. The posts of the OSCE PA Secretary General and two Deputies are held by male

staff members.

The International Research Assistant Programme

The International Secretariat of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly regularly organizes Research

Assistant Programme, through which it engages graduate students for a period of six months each to

provide them an opportunity to gain practical experience in the field of international affairs. Through

this programme, Research Assistants develop their knowledge of international politico-military,

economic and environmental, and human rights affairs and build their professional skills in areas

related to the work of the Parliamentary Assembly. In June 2021, there were 5 Research Assistants

working at the International Secretariat in Copenhagen, and 5 in the Vienna Liaison Office

–

in total 2

male and 8 female.

Female Representation in National Parliaments of OSCE participating States

As per the data provided by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), female representation in of OSCE

participating States’ parliaments has increased by 10% (from 29% in 2020 to 38% in 2021). Within the

OSCE region,

Hungary

remains the country with the smallest fnumberemale representation in its

parliamentaccounting for only 12,06%, followed by

Malta

(13,43%).

On the other hand,

Sweden

(46,99%),

Andorra

(46,43%),

Finland

(46%) and

Norway

(44,4%)

180

report the highest female representation in their respected legislative bodies.

181

Parliamentary Web Dialogues in 2020 and 2021

The OSCE PA, in an effort to promote inter-parliamentary dialogue on relevant security developments

pertaining to the ongoing COVID-19 crisis, introduced in April 2020 a series of regularly conducted online

meetings for members of the Assembly, covering a broad range of issues of all three general dimensions.

The Parliamentary Web Dialogues (PWD) were initiated as an attempt to foster dialogue between

members as well as with experts, allowing for reflection on key policy challenges while promoting the

exchange of good practices among lawmakers across the OSCE region. In 2020, the OSCE PA conducted

11 Web Dialogues, and 10 in 2021 (until June 2021). In total 21 PWDs and online PA-wide events listed

below were held since the beginning of the COVID-19 outbreak.

180

181

Calculation of female representation in the 2 legislative bodies combined.

See Table A.18 in Appendix A.

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

2020

40.70%

“Τhe Economic Security Fallout of the COVID-19

54.90%

Pandemic” PWD (22 April 2020)

47.10%

“Respecting HR and democratic control during states of

47.10%

emergency” PWD (8 May 2020)

47.40%

“COVID’s Impact on Conflicts in the OSCE region” PWD

34.13%

(15 May 2020)

69.79%

57.14%

4. "COVID-19: A turning point for environmental

55.43%

protection?" (22 May 22 2020)

10)

44.90%

5. "Protecting Refugees and Migrants during the Pandemic:

11)

40.78%

Camps under lockdown" PWD (26 May 2020)

6. Joint OSCE PA-PAM-UNOCT"Countering Terrorism and

Figure 13

–

Female Participation

in OSCE PA Web Dialogues and

Violent Extremism amidst the COVID-19 Pandemic" (30

other PA-wide online events in

June 2020)

2020 (%)

7. "Gendered Impacts of COVID-19" PWD (15 June 2020)

8. "COVID-19 response in diverse societies: challenges and opportunities for stability and social

cohesion" PWD (22 June 2020)

“From the Arctic to global: The Political Role in addressing Climate Change”

PWD (16 September

2020)

10.

“Parliamentarians & Journalists: Partners against Corruption” PWD (14 October 2020)

11. "Paris Charter Anniversary Event" (20 November 2020)

2021

43.94%

“Towards Helsinki +50: Reaffirming a Common

51.89%

Purpose” (27 January 2021)

57.58%

2. Second Meeting of

the OSCE PA “Call for Action –

45.28%

Helsinki +50 Process” (10 March 2021)

53.26%

“Humanitarian Protection and Human Rights in

50.00%

69.34%

Conflict Zones” PWD (12 March 2021)

48.57%

International Parliamentary Conference “Global

61.54%

Challenges and Threats in the Context of the COVID-

10)

52.83%

19 Pandemic:

Terrorism and Violent Extremism”

11)

29.09%

(15 April 2021)

Third Meeting of the OSCE PA “Call for Action –

Figure 14

–

Female Participation in

OSCE PA Web Dialogues and other

Helsinki +50 Process” (5 May 2021)

PA-wide online events in 2021 (%)

6. Online CCT Hearing on

“Prosecution, Rehabilitation

and Reintegration of Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) -

the Kazakh Experience”

(18 May 2021)

7. Joint event of the OSCE PA, the ODIHR and the OSCE Secretariat Gender Issues Programme on

"Evidence-based law making to prevent and combat violence against women" (19 May 2021)

8. "Framing the Environmental Security

–

Public Health Nexus" PWD (25 May 2021)

9. "OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Meeting with Young Political Leaders" (27 May 2021)

10. "Health as a human right" PWD (4 June 2021)

11. Web Parliamentary Dialogue on "Transparency and Predictability in Military Affairs: The Role

of the OSCE" (14 June 2021)

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

According to final registrations, more than half (50,12%) of the OSCE PA online Web Dialogues

participants were female (1060 out of 2115). They accounted for 30 out of the total 73 invited speakers

(41,10%), and for 308 out of the 828 registrations of female members of delegations (37,20%). Notably,

the most by female participants attended

Web dialogues in 2020 and in 2021 were: “Evidence-based

law

making to prevent and combat violence against women” and “Gendered Impacts of COVID-19” as outlined

below in

Figure 13

and

Figure 14

182

Figures are based upon registration confirmations (received prior to an event) and do not represent the final number of

participants attending the events.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

APPENDIX A

Table A.1

A1.Post Distribution of Staff in the OSCE without SMM Members

2020

Category

General Service Staff

Professional Staff

Senior Management

Total

Men

650

400

1.122

Women

622

400

1.060

Total

1.272

800

112

2.184

% Women

48,90%

50,00%

35,71%

48,63%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.2

A2. Post Distribution of Staff in the OSCE with SMM Members

2020

Category

General Service Staff

Professional Staff

Senior Management

Total

Men

862

1.051

109

2.022

Women

818

579

1.457

Total

1.680

1.630

167

3.479

% Men

51,31%

64,48%

64,07%

58,12%

Women

48,69%

35,52%

35,93%

41,88%

Note: Figures as 31 December 2020.

Table A.3

A3. Post Distribution of the OSCE Staff in the OSCE Secretariat, Institutions and Field

Operations, Including SMM Members

2020

Secretariat and Institutions Staff

Category

General Service Staff

Professional Staff

Senior Management

Total

Field Operations Staff

Category

General Service Staff

Professional Staff

Senior Management

Total

Men

765

952

1.806

Women

630

492

1.167

Total

1.395

1.444

134

2.973

% Women

45,16%

34,07%

33,58%

39,25%

Men

216

Women

188

288

Total

285

186

504

% Women

65,96%

46,77%

39,39%

57,14%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Table A.4

A4. Post Distribution of the OSCE Staff in the OSCE Secretariat

2020

P1-

Head

G in %

S in %

D1 D2

P+ in%

of Inst.

61,31%

49,43%

45,38%

38,69%

50,57%

54,61%

100%

122

100%

Category

Women

Men

Total

G1-

122

199

Total

224

192

416

Total in

53,85%

46,15%

100%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.5

A5. Post Distribution in the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)

2020

Category

Women

Men

Total

G1–

G in %

76,93%

23,07%

100%

S in

69%

31%

100%

P1–

Head

Inst.

P+ in %

41,79%

58,21%

100%

Total

148

Total in

60,14%

39,86%

100%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.6

A6. Post Distribution in the Office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM)

2020

Category

Women

Men

Total

G1–

G in

76%

24%

100%

S in %

75,00%

25,00%

100%

P1–

Head

of Inst.

P+ in %

60,00%

40,00%

100%

Total

Total in

69,44%

30,56%

100%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.7

A7. Post Distribution in the Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media (RFOM)

G1–

G in

75%

25%

100%

S in

60%

20%

100%

2020

P1–

Head

of Inst.

Total in

68,75%

31,25%

100%

Category

Women

Men

Total

P+ in %

57,14%

42,86%

100%

Total

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Table A.8

A8. Seconded Staff by Country and Gender (Field operations + Secretriat and Institutions)

2020

Seconding Country

% Women

Men

Women

Total Seconded Staff

Albania

25,00%

Germany

45,16%

The United States

36,79%

106

Armenia

40,00%

Austria

40,00%

Azerbaijan

25,00%

Belarus

0,00%

Belgium

0,00%

Bosnia and Herzegovina

24,29%

Bulgaria

20,00%

Canada

36,00%

Croatia

28,57%

Denmark

14,29%

Spain

45,00%

Estonia

0,00%

Finland

33,33%

France

25,00%

Georgia

47,06%

United Kingdom

14,52%

Greece

4,17%

Hungary

9,09%

Ireland

25,00%

Iceland

100,00%

Italy

41,33%

Kazakhstan

0,00%

Kyrgyzstan

19,35%

Latvia

0,00%

Liechtenstein

0,00%

Lithuania

0,00%

North Macedonia

30,23%

Moldova

15,79%

Mongolia

0,00%

Montenegro

25,00%

Norway

58,33%

Netherlands

50,00%

Poland

26,19%

Romania

12,50%

Russian Federation

4,00%

Serbia

25,00%

Slovakia

17,65%

Slovenia

100,00%

Sweden

30,43%

Switzerland

58,33%

Tajikistan

42,11%

Czech Republic

12,50%

Turkey

5,88%

Ukraine

50,00%

Grand Total

27,46%

840

318

1158

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020

Table A.9

A9. Gender Balance of Staff in OSCE Field Operations

2020

Field Operations

OSCE Presence in Albania

OSCE Centre in Ashgabat

OSCE Programme Office in Nur-Sultan

OSCE Centre in Bishkek

OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina

OSCE Mission in Kosovo

OSCE Mission to Moldova

OSCE Mission to Montenegro

OSCE Mission to Serbia

OSCE Programme Office in Dushanbe

OSCE Mission to Skopje

OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine

OSCE Observer Mission at the two Russian Checkpoints

OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan

OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine

Pers. Rep. of the CiO on the Conflict dealt with by the

Minsk Conference

Grand Total

Women

156

155

395

1.170

In %

60,44%

42,86%

58,33%

48,52%

51,00%

35,00%

49,00%

61,00%

53,00%

42,00%

64,50%

22,00%

51,50%

30,61%

29,50%

39,33%

Men

155

280

900

1.806

In %

39,56%

57,14%

41,67%

51,49%

49,00%

65,00%

51,00%

39,00%

47,00%

58,00%

35,50%

78,00%

48,50%

69,80%

70,50%

60,67%

Total

101

311

435

135

150

145

1.295

2.976

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.10

A10. Post Distribution in Field Operations

2020

Category

General Service Staff (G1 to G7)

Professional Staff (NPOs, S, S1, S2, P1 to P4)

Senior Management Staff (S3+, P5+, D, H, DH)

Total

Men

765

952

1.806

Women

630

492

1.169

Total

1.395

1.444

136

2.975

% of Women

45,16%

34,07%

33,56%

39,29%

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020. Please note that SMM staff members are included.

Table A.11

A11. Post Distribution of Staff in the SMM to Ukraine

2020

Category

General Service Staff (G1 to G7)

Professional Staff (NPOs, S, S1, S2, P1 to P4)

Senior Management (S3+, P5+, D, H, DH)

Total

Men

212

651

900

Women

196

179

395

Total

408

830

1.295

% Men

51,96%

78,43%

64,92%

69,50%

% Women

48,04%

21,57%

35,08%

30,50%

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Note: Figures as of 31 December 2020.

Table A.12

A12. Gender Balance Among the Vienna-Based Ambassadors/Permanent Representatives to the OSCE

Permanent Council by Country

As of 5 June 2021

Participating State

Albania

Andorra

Germany

The United States

Armenia

Austria

Azerbaijan

Belarus

Belgium

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Bulgaria

Canada

Cyprus

Croatia

Denmark

Spain

Finland

Estonia

France

Georgia

The United Kingdom

Greece

Hungary

Ireland

Iceland

Italy

Kazakhstan

Kyrgyzstan

Latvia

North Macedonia

Liechtenstein

Lithuania

Luxemburg

Malta

Moldova

Monaco

Mongolia

Montenegro

Participating States with a Male

Ambassador/ Permanent

Representative

Participating States with a

Female Ambassador/

Permanent Representative

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Norway

Uzbekistan

Netherlands

Poland

Portugal

Romania

The EU

Russian Federation

San Marino

Holy See

Serbia

Slovakia

Slovenia

Sweden

Switzerland

Tajikistan

Czech Republic

Turkmenistan

Turkey

Ukraine

Afghanistan (Partner for Co-operation)

Australia (Partner for Co-operation)

Japan (Partner for Co-operation)

Republic of Korea (Partner for Co-

operation)

Thailand (Partner for Co-operation)

Algeria (Partner for Co-operation)

Egypt (Partner for Co-operation)

Israel (Partner for Co-operation)

Jordan (Partner for Co-operation)

Morocco (Partner for Co-operation)

Tunisia (Partner for Co-operation)

OSCE PA

Grand Total

Note: Figures as of June 2021.

Table A.13

A13. OSCE Parliamentary Assembly

as of June 2021

Category

OSCE PA Members

OSCE PA Alternate Members

OSCE PA Secretaries

OSCE PA Staff

Grand Total

Women

216

In %

27,38%

33,89%

63,53%

46,15%

35,06%

Men

236

119

400

In %

72,84%

66,11%

36,47%

53,85%

64,94%

Total

325

180

616

Note: Figures as of June 2021.

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

Table A.14

A14. Gender Balance of Bureau Members

June 2021

Category

President

Vice-Presidents

Treasurer

President Emeritus

First Committee

Second Committee

Third Committee

Grand Total

Women

Men

Total

Note: Figures as of June 2021.

Table A.15

Parliamentarian Participation in the OSCE PA Annual Sessions (2010–2019)

Category

Women

Men

% Women

Grand Total

2010

186

21%

236

2011

169

24.50%

224

2012

185

25%

246

2013

178

27%

245

2014

180

29%

254

2015

182

25.70%

245

2016

205

26.80%

280

2017

173

27.50%

233

2018

202

28%

281

2019

200

26%

270

Note: Calculations include Members and Alternate members of delegations and do not include Staff of Delegations, the

OSCE PA and the OSCE Secretariats, Observers, Guests, International Parliamentary Organizations and Partners

for Co-operation. The data for 2020 is unavailable due to the cancellation of Annual Session.

Table A.16

Category

Women

Men

% Women

Grand

Total

2010

174

22%

223

A16. Parliamentarian Participation in the OSCE PA Winter Meeting (2010–2021)

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

172

180

159

151

157

186

174

25%

24%

30%

27,90%

23,70%

23,30%

25,30%

26,30%

230

240

209

215

218

244

227

233

236

2020

165

27,10%

225

2021

208

28,77%

292

Note: Calculations include Members and Alternate members of delegations and do not include Staff of Delegations, the

OSCE PA and the OSCE Secretariats, Observers, Guests, International Parliamentary Organizations and Partners

for Co-operation.

Table A.17

A17. OSCE PA Election Monitoring

2020–2021

Elections Observed

MPs

Women

% of Women

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Montenegro, 30 August 2020

Georgia, 30 October 2020

USA, 3 November 2020

Kazakhstan, 10 January 2021

Kyrgyzstan, 10 January 2021

Bulgaria, 5 April 2021

Albania, 25 April 2021

Armenia, 20 June 2021

Total

231

50,00%

25,00%

22,50%

66,67%

17,86%

27,59%

20,00%

25,00%

23,81%

Note: Figures as of June 2021; Calculations include Heads of the OSCE PA delegations, Special Co-Ordinators of the

Observer Missions and Members of delegations.

Table A.18

A.18 Women in Parliament in the OSCE Countries

As of April 2021

Globa

Rank

Country

Lower or Single House

Seats

Sweden

Andorra

Finland

Norway

Spain

Switzerland

Belgium

Belarus

Portugal

Austria

Denmark

Iceland

France

Netherlands

North

Macedonia

Serbia

349

200

169

350

200

150

110

230

183

179

577

150

120

250

Wome

164

154

228

46,99

46,43

46,00

44,40

44,00

42,00

40,00

39,90

39,66

39,70

39,51

39,33

39,20

Upper House or Senate

Seat

–

265

–

348

–

Wome

–

108

–

121

–

40,80

26,09

45,00

25,00

–

36,07

–

34,80

38,67

–

As of June 2021

Women OSCE PA Delegate

Members

Member

Wome

37,50

25,00

50,00

40,00

37,50

50,00

16,67

37,50

28,57

25,00

33,33

23,08

16,67

33,33

50,00

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The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

101

105

109

Italy

United

Kingdom

Monaco

San Marino

Uzbekistan

Luxembourg

Germany

Croatia

Canada

Albania

Latvia

Poland

Liechtenstei

Lithuania

United States

of America

Bulgaria

Kazakhstan

Slovenia

Bosnia and

Herzegovina

Estonia

Turkmenista

Republic of

Moldova

Montenegro

Tajikistan

Czech

Republic

Armenia

Slovakia

Ireland

Greece

Cyprus

630

650

148

709

151

338

122

100

459

141

439

240

107

101

124

101

200

132

150

160

300

225

220

223

100

1302

117

35,71

33,85

33,33

33,30

32,00

31,70

31,50

31,10

29,60

29,51

29,00

28,30

28,00

27,70

27,20

27,10

26,70

26,20

25,70

25,00

24,75

24,70

23,81

23,00

22,70

22,50

21,70

21,40

320

792

–

100

–

100

–

100

–

110

221

–

34,38

27,90

–

23,00

–

36,20

–

49,50

–

24,00

–

24,00

–

18,80

10,00

20,00

27,10

–

22,58

14,81

–

40,00

–

7,69%

38,46

50,00

25,00

33,33

20,00

46,15

0,00%

63,64

66,67

33,33

31,25

50,00

14,81

40,00

54,55

16,67

33,33

25,00

33,33

16,67

33,33

25,00

12,50

50,00

14,29

42,86

30,00

25,00

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

113

114

125

126

130

132

133

151

157

Ukraine

Georgia

Romania

Azerbaijan

Mongolia

Turkey

Kyrgyzstan

Russian

Federation

Malta

Hungary

Total

423

150

329

121

600

117

450

199

1184

104

4734

20,80

20,70

18,50

18,20

17,33

17,32

17,10

15,78

13,43

12,06

39,98

–

136

–

170

–

311

–

932

–

18,40

–

17,06

29,91

503

148

6,25%

33,33

7,14%

33,33

40,00

0,00%

16,67

14,29

0,00%

33,33

29,42

Note: Figures correspond to the number of seats currently filled in Parliament. The data in this table has been compiled

by the Inter-Parliamentary Union on the basis of information provided by National Parliaments. The data on the right side

of the table (Women OSCE PA Delegate Members) is compiled by the OSCE PA, as of June 2021.

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in national parliaments (situation as of April 2021).

Table A.19

A19. Gender participation of OSCE PA Web Dialogues

April 2020-June 2021

Title

Invited

Experts

Total

Women

PA Members

Total

Women

All Participants

Grand

Total

Women

2020

"Τhe Economic

Security Fallout of

the COVID-19

Pandemic"

"Respecting HR and

democratic control

during states of

emergency"

"COVID’s Impact on

Conflicts in the OSCE

region”

"COVID-19: A turning

point for

environmental

protection?"

21,95%

40,70%

50%

37,20%

122

54,90%

50%

26,41%

140

47,10%

67%

33,30%

106

47,10%

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

The 2021 Annual Report of the OSCE PA Special Representative on Gender Issues

"Protecting Refugees

and Migrants during

the Pandemic: Camps

under lockdown"

"Countering

Terrorism and

Violent Extremism

amidst the COVID-19

Pandemic"

"Gendered Impacts

of COVID-19"

"COVID-19 response

in diverse societies:

challenges and

opportunities for

stability and social

cohesion

"OSCE PA Web

Dialogue "From the

Arctic to global: The

Political Role in

addressing Climate

Change"

"OSCE PA Web

Dialogue

"Parliamentarians &

Journalists: Partners

against Corruption"

"Paris Charter

Anniversary Event"

50%

30,30%

47,40%

20%

25,58%

110

167

34,13%

100%

57,14%

69,79%

50%

47,06%

57,14%

33%

52,94%

55,43%

20%

37,50%

44,90%

25%

2021

29,41%

103

40,78%

“Towards Helsinki

+50: Reaffirming a

Common Purpose”

Second Meeting of

the OSCE PA “Call for

Action

–

Helsinki +50

Process#

Webinar on

Humanitarian

Protection and

Human Rights in

Conflict Zones

Joint

Interparliamenary

Counterterrorism

Conference

Third Meeting of the

OSCE PA “Call for

Action

–

Helsinki +50

Process”

Online CCT Hearing

on FTFs

38,30%

132

43,94%

31,91%

106

51,89%

33%

50,00%

57,58%

20%

34,38%

45,28%

50%

43,48%

53,26%

50%

34,62%

50,00%

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN JOURNALISTS AND POLITICIANS: A GROWING CRISIS

Joint event of the

OSCE PA, the ODIHR

and the OSCE

Secretariat Gender

Issues Programme

on "Evidence-based

law making to

prevent and combat

violence against

women"

"Framing the

Environmental

Security

–

Public

Health Nexus"

"OSCE Parliamentary

Assembly Meeting

with Young Political

Leaders"

OSCE PA Web

Dialogue on "Health

as a human right"

Web Parliamentary

Dialogue on

"Transparency and

Predictability in

Military Affairs: The

Role of the OSCE"

Grand Total

100%

59,26%

137

69,34%

40%

36,84%

48,57%

50%

46,15%

61,54%

67%

35,00%

52,83%

33%

12,50%

29,09%

41%

520

308

828

37,20%

1055

1060

2115

50,12%

OSCE, Alm.del - 2021-22 - Bilag 3: Invitation til virtuelt Parliamentary Web Dialogue on Violence against Women Journalists and Politicians: A Growing Crisis