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NATO 2021 BRUSSELS
SUMMIT: KEY OUTCOMES
14 June 2021
Information Document
106 SPE 21 E | Original: English | June 2021
This Information Document is presented for information only and does
not represent the official view of the Assembly.
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106 SPE 21 E
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
NATO’S SHARED DEMOCRATIC VALUES & DEFENDING THE
RULES-BASED
INTERNATIONAL ORDER ............................................................................................... 1
THE EVOLVING THREAT ENVIRONMENT ..................................................................... 2
THE THREAT FROM RUSSIA AND NATO-RUSSIA RELATIONS ................................... 2
THE IMPLICATIONS
OF CHINA’S RISE
.......................................................................... 4
DETERRENCE AND COLLECTIVE DEFENCE ................................................................ 5
RESILIENCE .................................................................................................................... 7
THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM ................................................................................ 9
MAINTAINING NATO’S TECHNOLOGICAL EDGE
.......................................................... 9
BURDEN SHARING ....................................................................................................... 10
FUNDING A HIGHER LEVEL OF AMBITION ................................................................. 11
IMPACT OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON SECURITY ........................................................... 12
NATO’S OPEN DOOR POLICY
...................................................................................... 12
NATO’S CONTRIBUTION TO ARMS CONTROL, NON-PROLIFERATION
AND
DISARMAMENT ............................................................................................................. 13
NATO’S PARTNERSHIPS
.............................................................................................. 14
NATO-EU RELATIONS .................................................................................................. 16
AFGHANISTAN .............................................................................................................. 17
THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA ................................................................................. 17
WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ................................................................................ 18
NATO’S NEXT STRATEGIC CONCEPT
......................................................................... 18
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I.
NATO’S SHARED DEMOCRATIC VALUES
& DEFENDING THE RULES-BASED
INTERNATIONAL ORDER
1.
The Summit communiqué reaffirms, in its second paragraph,
the importance of NATO’s shared
democratic values and principles as the “bedrock of unity, solidarity and cohesion”. Allied leaders lay out two
new concrete ways to bolster their commitment to shared values.
2.
First, they pledge to increase consultation “when fundamental values and principles are at risk” and
add to their reaffirmation of the Alliance’s democratic principles, a commitment to “the spirit and the letter of
the North Atlantic Treaty”.
3.
Second, the communiqué signals NATO’s intention to play
a greater role in addressing the increasing
challenge that state and non-state actors pose to the rules-based international order and to democracy. Allied
leaders highlight, in particular,
Russia’s multiple violations of its international commitments [see
Russia
section],
but also China’s “coercive
policies which stand in contrast to the fundamental values enshrined in
the Washington Treaty”
[see
China section].
4.
Increased consultation
and NATO’s enhanced role in preserving and shaping the international rules-
based order are two of the eight NATO 2030 priorities. They will likely feature as key issues in the next
Strategic Concept. The NATO Secretary General specifically cited the reaffirmation of Allied values as one
of the two reasons
together with changes in the security environment
why NATO needs a new Strategic
Concept.
5.
As is the case in past communiqués, the importance of shared democratic values also features heavily
in sections related to partnerships and the Open Door policy. A new emphasis is placed on the need to work
with existing partners and new ones, including key global actors and other new interlocutors from Africa, Asia
and Latin America, in addressing threats to the rules-based international order. Interestingly, this is the first
time Latin America features in a recent Summit communiqué.
Additional notes:
6.
The NATO 2030 process is a result of concern related to the ongoing cohesion and unity of the Alliance
in a context of serious tensions among Allies throughout 2019 in particular. At the London Summit in
December 2019, Allied leaders tasked the NATO Secretary General to lead a reflection process on ways to
strengthen NATO’s political dimension, including consultation. This issue of consultation among Allies
features first in the list of priorities for NATO 2030 with a “pledge to strengthen and broaden our consultations”
and a “commitment to
reinforc[e] consultations when the security or stability of an Ally is threatened or when
our fundamental values and principles are at risk”. These statements send a fairly clear and strong signal
that Allies are prepared to discuss potential internal differences and tensions in the future
including issues
related to fundamental values and principles.
The Assembly’s position:
7.
The Assembly has made rededicating NATO to its democratic foundations a top priority for the NATO
Summit, NATO 2030 and the future Strategic Concept. It has called for NATO to affirm its commitment to
shared democratic values in words as well as in deeds. Specifically, it has urged Allies to establish a
Democratic Resilience Centre at NATO Headquarters
a centre which would serve as a resource to monitor
threats to democracy and assist Allies upon request. The Assembly’s Working Group on a NATO Democratic
Resilience Centre is tasked with refining the concept for this centre and building support.
8.
The Summit communiqué has little detail about how NATO intends to implement its renewed
commitment to democratic values and principles and to defending the rules-based international order.
However, it does include important new statements and commitments which open the way for further work
and recommendations on these issues.
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9.
The Assembly had also offered several recommendations on how to strengthen political consultation
at NATO as well as NATO’s role in defending the rules-based
international order as part of its contribution
on
NATO 2030.
II.
THE EVOLVING THREAT ENVIRONMENT
10. Summit communiqués routinely include a short description of the threats and challenges which Allies
consider relevant to Euro-Atlantic security. The Brussels Summit communiqué reaffirms a number of key
threats and challenges highlighted in previous communiqués. Significantly, it also highlights a number of new
challenges, which are likely to
feature in NATO’s next Strategic Concept.
Previously identified threats include:
-
-
Russia’s
aggressive actions
Terrorism in all its forms and manifestations
Other previously identified threats and challenges undermining Euro-Atlantic security include:
-
-
-
Cyber, hybrid and other asymmetric threats, including disinformation campaigns
Instability beyond NATO’s borders and
its impact in terms of irregular migration and human trafficking
Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
The list of new challenges includes:
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
A new reference to the “systemic competition from assertive and authoritarian powers”
The challenge that state and non-state actors pose not only to the rules-based international order but
also to democracy across the globe
China’s first inclusion in the list of challenges –
following its first inclusion in a Summit communiqué in
2019
A new reference to the impact of growing advances in the space domain
A reference to the erosion of the arms control architecture
A new reference to the malicious use of emerging and disruptive technologies
Acknowledgment of climate change as a threat multiplier
The Assembly’s
position:
11. The Assembly has recognised that these recent major shifts in the strategic environment require a
revision
of NATO’s 2010 Strategic Concept. It has made this point in particular in
the
report
and
resolution
presented by then General Rapporteur of the Political Committee, Gerald E. Connolly (United States) on the
occasion of NATO’s 70th anniversary in 2019.
The same point is made in
Declaration 460
on NATO 2030.
III.
THE THREAT FROM RUSSIA AND NATO-RUSSIA RELATIONS
12.
Russia’s
illegal annexation of Crimea by military force required
a profound redefinition of NATO’s
relations with
Russia. Whereas the 2010 Strategic Concept set the goal of a “true strategic partnership”, since
2014, NATO has scaled down political cooperation and suspended practical cooperation and implemented a
dual--track policy, which combines strong deterrence and defence with openness to meaningful dialogue. As
part of the first pillar, NATO has implemented the biggest reinforcement of NATO’s deterrence and defence
posture since the end of the Cold War. NATO has conditioned dialogue with Russia to Ukraine being the first
topic of any discussion. As a result, Russia has been unwilling to hold meetings of the NATO-Russia Council
since July 2019.
13. Repeating language first used at the 2019 London Summit, the Brussels Summit communiqué clearly
identifies “Russia’s aggressive actions” as the top “threat to Euro-Atlantic security” and includes strong
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106 SPE 21 E
language on Russia’s multiple violations and aggressive actions. The Secretary General stated that the
relationship with Russia
is “at its lowest point since the end of the Cold War”.
14.
The Summit reaffirms NATO’s dual-track
approach, while putting renewed emphasis on collective
defence [see
defence and deterrence section]
and reaffirming
NATO’s response to Russia’s military
modernisation, build-up and violations of arms control commitments. The communiqué nonetheless holds
out openness to dialogue as well as the goal of re-establishing a constructive relationship
when Russia’s
actions make that possible. The Secretary General specifically signalled support for new strategic talks on
future arms control [see
arms control section].
15. The communiqué
also reiterates NATO’s support
for the territorial integrity of Georgia, the Republic of
Moldova and Ukraine and reaffirms the Alliance’s Open Door policy [see
Open Door section].
16.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Among the challenges posed by Russia, the communiqué lists:
growing multi-domain military build-up
more assertive and aggressive posture
novel military capabilities
provocative activities, including near NATO borders
intensified hybrid actions against Allies and partners, including through disinformation, cyber activities
and attempted interference in democratic processes
strategic intimidation, including through extensive nuclear modernisation and diversification,
aggressive and irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and increasing focus on exercises involving
dual--capable systems
a growing and evolving array of conventional and nuclear-capable missiles, which poses significant
risks from all strategic directions to security and stability
– including Russia’s development of missiles
in violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty [see
collective defence and
deterrence section].
17. While the communiqué
specifically refers to China’s challenge to the rules-based
international order,
the text leaves no doubt that NATO considers Russia as well as one of the “state actors” which “challenge
the rules-based international order and seek to undermine
democracy across the globe”.
Leaders’ messages about / to Russia:
-
-
-
-
-
NATO does not seek confrontation and does not pose a threat to Russia.
There will be no return to business as usual until Russia demonstrates compliance with international
law and its international obligations and responsibilities.
Allies aspire to a constructive relationship with Russia when its actions make that possible.
Allies have no intention to deploy land-based nuclear missiles in Europe.
NATO Ballistic Missile Defence is not directed against Russia and will not undermine its strategic
deterrence.
Leaders’ appeal to Russia:
-
-
-
Relations with the Czech Republic and the United States:
rescind designation as
‘unfriendly
countries’
Ukraine:
withdraw all forces; reverse the military build-up and stop restricting navigation in parts of the
Black Sea as well as stop impeding access to the Sea of Azov and Ukrainian ports; stop fuelling the
conflict in eastern Ukraine by providing financial and military support to the armed formations it backs
Georgia:
withdraw all forces; reverse the recognition of the Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions of
Georgia as independent states; implement the EU-mediated 2008 ceasefire agreement; end
militarisation of these regions and attempts to forcibly separate them from the rest of Georgia through
the continued construction of border-like obstacles; cease the human rights violations, arbitrary
detentions, and harassments of Georgian citizens
Moldova:
withdraw all forces; engage constructively in the Transnistria Settlement Process
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International obligations and commitments:
return to full implementation of and compliance with the
letter and spirit of all of its international obligations and commitments, which is essential to rebuilding
trust and confidence, military transparency and increasing predictability in the Euro-Atlantic region
The Assembly’s position:
18.
The Assembly supports NATO’s dual-track
approach to Russia, and its statements on the threat posed
by Russia and NATO’s response are well in line with the
communiqué language.
One
of the Committee’s
reports for 2021 deals
with Russia’s multifaceted challenge.
IV.
THE IMPLICATIONS OF CHINA’S RISE
19.
The 2019 London Leaders’ Declaration marked the first time NATO acknowledged
the implications of
China’s rise. However, it referenced China only once: “We recognise that China’s growing influence and
international policies present both opportunities and challenges that we need to address together as an
Alliance.”
20.
Over the last few years and months, views among Allies on the implications of China’s rise
in a strategic
environment characterised by systemic competition
have converged. Leaders note that “China’s growing
influence and international policies can present challenges that we need to address together as an Alliance”.
They commit to engaging China “with
a view to defending the security interests of the Alliance.’’ The
communiqué outlines the first pillars of an Allied policy on China based on these principles. Fleshing out
Allied consensus on China will no doubt be one of the main issues for discussion as Allies prepare the next
Strategic Concept.
21. China is referenced for the
first time in the communiqué’s section on threats and challenges
and the
text later mentions
the “systemic challenges” posed by China’s ambitions and behaviour.
However, the text
makes a clear difference between the actions of Russia and of
China. While Russia’s aggressive actions
constitute a threat, China’s growing influence
and international policies can present challenges.
Specific challenges identified:
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
systemic challenges to the rules-based international order and areas relevant to Alliance security,
demonstrated by China’s stated ambitions and assertive
behaviour
coercive policies in contrast to NATO’s fundamental values
a rapidly expanding nuclear arsenal (including more warheads and larger number of sophisticated
delivery systems)
opaqueness of military modernisation and military-civil fusion strategy
certain cooperation activities with Russia, including in the Euro-Atlantic area
lack of transparency
use of disinformation
Leaders’ appeals to China:
-
-
-
uphold international commitments
act responsibly in the international system
engage meaningfully in dialogue, confidence-building and transparency measures on nuclear
capabilities and doctrine
On dialogue with China:
-
-
-
maintain a constructive dialogue where possible
seek opportunities to engage where relevant to Allied or common challenges (e.g. climate change)
potentially seek information exchange, reciprocal transparency and understanding to enhance
awareness and discuss potential disagreements
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The Assembly’s position:
22.
The Assembly has long acknowledged the growing impact of China’s rise.
More recently,
in 2020,
three
comprehensive reports and one resolution dealt with the issue, and
one
of the 2021 reports examines China’s
military modernisation.
The key takeaway was the Assembly’s call
to address the challenges posed by China
collectively
without ever compromising the core values on which both the global liberal order and NATO
were founded.
23. The 2021 communiqué language is generally in line with the Assembly position. However, the Assembly
has gone further in outlining a transatlantic strategy on China, notably in then General Rapporteur Gerald E.
Connolly’s report on
The Rise of China: Implications for Global and Euro-Atlantic Security
and the
accompanying
Resolution 464.
Moreover, the Assembly more forcefully argues that exchanges on China
with relevant NATO partners, the EU and like-minded partners in the Asia-Pacific region should be pursued
on the implications of China’s rise,
including in
Declaration 460.
V.
DETERRENCE AND COLLECTIVE DEFENCE
24.
The Summit reaffirms NATO’s three core tasks of
deterrence and collective defence, crisis
management and cooperative security. However, it puts a renewed emphasis on deterrence and collective
defence, which is also the second of the eight priorities for NATO 2030. The communiqué makes clear that
deterrence and defence are “at
the heart of the Alliance, underpinned by Article 5 of the Washington Treaty
and an enduring transatlantic bond”.
25. This renewed focus is a response to what Allied leaders characterise
as “the increasingly challenging
security environment with risks arising from changes in the posture, doctrine, and behaviour of potential
adversaries and their significant investments to develop, modernise, and expand capabilities”.
26.
As a result, Allied leaders reiterate NATO’s 360° approach, defining NATO’s stated level of ambition
as follows:
“to respond to any threats, from state and non-state
actors, from wherever they arise, and
potentially from multiple directions in more than one region simultaneously”. The communiqué reaffirms
NATO’s commitment to maintain its forward presence in the Alliance’s East and the Black Sea, assurance
measures across several regions, including in Turkey, and readiness to respond to potential threats from the
South. The High North is also referenced for the first time in recent NATO communiqués, as an area where
NATO will maintain “necessary, calibrated, and coordinated activities in support of the Alliance’s security
interests”.
27.
The Summit also reaffirmed that NATO’s
deterrence and collective defence will continue to be based
on an appropriate mix of nuclear, conventional, and missile defence capabilities.
28.
-
Allied leaders agreed the following measures to further strengthen deterrence and collective defence:
a new deterrence and defence military concept
to guide enhanced advance planning for potential
crisis and conflict, further improve the use and organisation of Allied forces and capabilities and ensure
more effective command and control;
a new warfighting military concept
to ensure continued development
of NATO’s
military and
technological advantage;
further strengthen and modernise the NATO Force Structure,
i.e. the pool of Allied national and
multinational forces and headquarters placed at the Alliance’s disposal;
continue to enhance the NATO Command Structure,
i.e.
NATO’s permanent multinational
headquarters;
maintain an ongoing focus on
readiness, ability to deploy forces in contested theatres
and
sustainment and reinforcement of deployed forces;
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-
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improve NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defence capabilities,
including sensors, interceptors and
command and control; and
strengthen cooperation with relevant and like-minded partners.
Deterrence and collective defence in space and cyber space and against hybrid threats:
29. The communiqué reiterates earlier statements that malicious cyber or hybrid activities could, in certain
circumstances, be considered as an armed attack which could trigger the collective defence clause in Article
5 of the Washington Treaty.
30. Allies remain committed to uphold strong national cyber defences as a matter of priority. Leaders
endorsed a Comprehensive Cyber Defence Policy, which spans the three core tasks and overall deterrence
and defence posture but also enhances Alliance resilience. The communiqué makes clear, once again, that
NATO’s mandate remains defensive, but that Allies remain determined to employ the full range of capabilities
against cyber threats. In this respect, leaders agreed to effectively integrate sovereign cyber effects
including offensive cyber capabilities
which are provided on a voluntary, national basis, into collective
defence and Alliance operations and missions, stressing strong political oversight.
31. Significantly, Allies, for the first time,
“recognise
that the impact of significant malicious cumulative cyber
activities might, in certain circumstances, be considered as amounting to an armed attack.” In other words,
persistent
malicious cyber
campaigns
could trigger Article 5.
32. Similarly, Allied leaders agreed
that “attacks
to, from, or within space present a clear challenge to the
security of the Alliance” and “could lead to the invocation of Article 5” [see
also
resilience section].
Nuclear deterrence:
33.
-
-
-
The communiqué reaffirms NATO’s previously agreed language on nuclear deterrence, notably:
the core principle that, as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear alliance;
the role of the Alliance’s strategic forces as the supreme guarantee
of the security of Allies;
the importance of nuclear burden-sharing arrangements
whereby European Allies provide capabilities
and infrastructure to host US forward-deployed nuclear weapons.
34. The Brussels Summit communiqué includes a new mention of NATO’s
support for efforts towards
strategic risk reduction
an issue highlighted as well in sections of the communiqué relating to dialogue with
Russia and with China.
Missile defence:
35.
The communiqué reiterates the contribution of missile defence to NATO’s collective defence posture
and recommits Allies to continue to deliver a NATO Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) capability.
NATO’s BMD
has so far only reached initial operational capability, with only limited geographical coverage (southern NATO
Europe only) and limited command and control. As already signalled in previous Summit’s communiqués,
reaching full operational capability would require more national assets (mostly radars and interceptors) and
expanding the command and control capability. The latter is the only part of NATO’s BMD
resourced through
NATO’s common funding. The Brussels communiqué language suggests that future discussions on NATO’s
common funding [see
funding section]
could include consideration of currently unfulfilled requirements for
NATO’s BMD command and control, allowing NATO to reach the next milestone in developing its BMD
capability.
36. The communiqué also reiterates language
meant to counter Russia’s disinformation suggesting that
the system is directed against it and restates
NATO’s openness in principle to discussing BMD with Russia.
Response to Russia’s violation of the Intermediate-Range
Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and development of
new missiles:
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37. Leaders reiterated
NATO’s earlier statement that NATO has no intention to deploy land-based
nuclear
missiles in Europe in response to Russia’s violation of the INF Treaty and development and deployment of
new missiles. Instead, NATO will implement “a coherent and balanced package
of political and military
measures”, including “strengthened integrated air and missile defence; advanced defensive and offensive
conventional capabilities; steps to keep NATO’s nuclear deterrent safe, secure, and effective; efforts to
support and strengthen arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation;
intelligence; and exercises.”
The Assembly’s position:
38.
The Summit’s decisions are well in line with the Assembly’s recommendations on
deterrence and
collective defence. In particular, in its
declaration
on NATO 2030, the Assembly had called on Allies to:
-
-
-
“reaffirm that NATO’s greatest responsibility is to protect and defend collectively its territory and
populations against attacks”;
“continue to affirm the crucial role of a safe and resilient nuclear deterrent for the Alliance’s deterrence
and defence posture”;
“continue to strengthen NATO’s enhanced deterrence and defence posture in the East and the Baltic
and Black Sea regions, and to continue to adapt collective defence and deterrence to new threats,
including hybrid actions, and new domains of conflict, including cyber and space;”
“maintain NATO’s policy towards Russia, based on strong deterrence and defence as well as openness
for meaningful dialogue, while holding Russia accountable for its unacceptable violations of
international laws and norms and adopting necessary responses”;
“reaffirm NATO’s readiness to address any threats and challenges which have the potential to affect
Euro-Atlantic security at 360
degrees”.
-
-
39. Notably, on cyber threats,
the communiqué’s language on “significant malicious cumulative cyber
activities”
lives up to Assembly calls on persistent cyber campaigns, laid out in
Resolution 459
(2019).
VI.
RESILIENCE
40.
Enhancing resilience is one of the eight planks in the NATO 2030 agenda as “essential for credible
deterrence and defence and the effective fulfilment of the Alliance’s core tasks.”
The renewed focus on
resilience is both a result of the COVID-19 pandemic as well as of the growing number of hybrid and cyber
attacks on critical infrastructure, disinformation activities and interference in democratic processes in recent
years. Resilience clearly remains a national responsibility, including in terms of goals and implementation,
and must be compatible with national competences, structures, processes and obligations as well as those
of the EU, where applicable.
41. Leaders agreed on a Strengthened Resilience Commitment as a follow-up to a commitment made at
the 2016 Warsaw Summit. Based upon a whole-of-government approach, Allies strive to achieve the seven
NATO Baseline Requirements (see below) through:
-
-
-
enhanced civil-military cooperation and civil preparedness;
closer engagement with Allied populations, the private sector and non-governmental actors; and
the centres of expertise on resilience established by Allies, including the new Euro-Atlantic Centre for
Resilience in Romania.
NATO’s
seven baseline requirements on resilience
1) assured continuity of government and critical government services;
2) resilient energy supplies;
3) ability to deal effectively with the uncontrolled movement of people;
4) resilient food and water resources;
5) ability to deal with mass casualties;
6) resilient communications systems; and finally
7) resilient transportation systems.
As part of the NATO 2030 agenda, a more
integrated and better coordinated approach
to resilience will be developed “to reduce
vulnerabilities and ensure our militaries can
effectively operate in peace, crisis and
conflict”. As a next step, Allies will now
develop “a proposal to establish, assess,
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review and monitor resilience objectives to guide nationally-developed resilience goals and implementation
plans”.
42. Continued or enhanced resilience efforts in NATO partnerships is emphasised throughout the
communiqué, in particular with the EU, Finland, Georgia, Sweden and Ukraine.
Key areas for enhancing resilience:
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
the seven areas covered by the NATO Baseline Requirements, with a notable emphasis on critical
infrastructure, key industries, supply chains, and communication information networks, including 5G
cyber threats
hybrid activities
implications of climate change
the fight against terrorism
resilience of NATO structures and installations
energy security
space
Hybrid activities and resilience:
43. The communiqué stresses the threats and challenges from actors using hybrid activities to target
political institutions, public opinion and the security of our citizens.
44. The primary
responsibility lies nationally, but “NATO is ready, upon Council decision, to assist an Ally
at any stage of a hybrid campaign being conducted against it, including by deploying a Counter Hybrid
Support Team”. NATO is also enhancing hybrid
situational awareness and developing comprehensive
preventive and response options.
45. The communiqué
notes that “Individual Allies may consider, when appropriate, attributing hybrid
activities and responding in a coordinated manner, recognising attribution is a sovereign national
prerogative.”
46. The communiqué reiterates earlier statements that a malicious hybrid activity could, in certain
circumstances, be considered as an armed attack which could trigger the collective defence clause in Article
5 of the Washington Treaty [see
deterrence and collective defence section].
Cyber threats and resilience:
47.
Cyber threats are “complex, destructive, coercive, and becoming ever more frequent”,
and cyber
resilience is therefore critical, leaders note. Notably, activities targeting critical infrastructure and democratic
institutions “might have systemic effects and cause significant harm”, they state.
48. Allies remain committed to uphold strong national cyber defences as a matter of priority. Leaders
endorsed a Comprehensive Cyber Defence Policy, which spans the three core tasks and overall deterrence
and defence posture but also enhances Alliance resilience.
49. The communiqué reiterates earlier statements that malicious cyber or hybrid activities could, in certain
circumstances, be considered as an armed attack which could trigger the collective defence clause in Article
5 of the Washington Treaty.
50. Leaders also commit to increase political consultation on cyber activities and to further development of
cyber partnerships.
The Assembly’s position:
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51. The steps taken on resilience are generally in line with recent recommendations by the Assembly on
resilience, especially on hybrid and cyber threats as well as increasing cooperation with NATO partners and
aspirants. However, the communiqué does not specifically mention enhanced resilience efforts when it comes
to future
pandemics
and the defence industrial capacity within the Alliance, which were key themes across
the Assembly’s 2020 recommendations.
Nor does it take a broad view of resilience encompassing democratic
resilience and a whole of society approach. Resilience is the topic of
one
of the Committees’ reports in 2021.
VII. THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM
52.
Allied leaders reiterated that “terrorism in all its forms and manifestations remains a persistent threat”
to the security of populations in the Alliance as well as international stability and prosperity. They vowed to
“continue to fight this threat with determination, resolve, and in solidarity”.
53. NATO will stay the course in the fight against terrorism, which is by now well established and notably
comprises awareness and analysis, preparedness and responsiveness, capabilities, capacity building and
partnerships as well as operations. This includes NATO’s continued contributions
in the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS/Da’esh.
NATO will also maintain some support for Afghanistan following the termination of its
military presence. Although the communiqué does not outline specific counterterrorism tasks going forward,
this could be one of the areas covered in future training of the Afghan National Defence and Security Forces
[see
Afghanistan section].
Recent and next steps:
-
-
-
NATO is stepping up support to partner countries, in particular in the Middle East and North Africa
(MENA) region [see
Middle East and Africa section].
For example, NATO has recently upgraded
defence capacity building assistance to Jordan.
NATO places more emphasis on the need to protect Allied forces against terrorist misuse of technology
and the importance of capitalising on emerging technologies in counter-terrorism efforts.
By the end of 2021, NATO will update the Counter-Terrorism Action Plan.
The Assembly’s position:
54. The communiqué
is broadly in line with the Assembly’s policy recommendations in 2020 and in previous
years.
Declaration 460
urged the Alliance “to further enhance NATO and Allies’ counterterrorism efforts, and
continue to share assessments about the future evolutions
of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations”.
Resolution 465
noted the Assembly’s alarm “that the easy availability of commercial and dual-use
technologies allows malignant nonstate actors, including terrorist and extremist militant groups, to weaponize
them”.
In its statements on the withdrawal of NATO troops from Afghanistan, the Assembly also stressed the
importance of holding the Taliban and other Afghan actors to their pledge to cut ties with Al Qaeda and other
terrorist groups.
VIII.
MAINTAINING NATO’S TECHNOLOGICAL EDGE
55.
Allied leaders agreed to broaden and deepen Allied and NATO’s work on maintaining NATO’s
technological edge. The communiqué
makes clear the Alliance must “exploit the opportunities and to address
the challenges posed by emerging and disruptive technologies” –
the misuse of which is mentioned for the
first time in the list of threats and challenges affecting Euro-Atlantic security. One of the eight planks of the
NATO 2030 initiative is to foster technological cooperation, promote interoperability and encourage the
development and adoption of technological solutions to address Allied military needs. Research and
development and innovation are thus vitally important, leaders note.
In all of this, Allies will be “guided by
principles of responsible use, in accordance with international law, and taking into account discussions in
relevant international fora”.
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106 SPE 21 E
56. The communiqué specifically points to contributions technologies will continue to make in the fight
against terrorism, NATO’s new warfighting concept, force and capability development and NATO-EU
cooperation.
Concrete decisions:
-
-
-
set-up of a civil-military Defence Innovation Accelerator for the North Atlantic
establishment of a NATO Innovation Fund to support start-ups working on dual-use emerging and
disruptive technologies
adoption of a strategy to foster and protect Emerging and Disruptive Technologies focused on:
o
identifying, developing, and adopting emerging and disruptive technologies
o
preserving interoperability
o
safeguarding sensitive technologies
o
actively addressing the threats and challenges posed by technological developments by other
actors
o
further leveraging partnerships, including with the private sector and academia
The Assembly’s position:
57. The communiqué is in keeping with Assembly long-standing warnings about the growing speed of
technological change and the need for the Alliance to retain its military edge. In 2020,
Declaration 460
urged
the Alliance “to step up investment and
Allied collaboration in defence science, technology, research and
development to maintain NATO’s scientific and technological edge, especially in emerging and disruptive
technologies and new domains of warfare, consistent with Allies’ international obligations”.
Resolution 465
deals specifically with defence innovation. In this context, the Summit’s concrete decisions bode well if fully
and swiftly implemented.
IX.
BURDEN SHARING
58. Allied leaders recommitted to the Defence Investment Pledge, agreed upon at the 2014 Wales Summit
and
reaffirmed ever since. They did so “in its entirety” and with “unwavering commitment”.
Leaders reaffirmed
their “commitment to continue our efforts as a matter of priority across the three pillars of cash, capabilities,
and contributions.”
59. They stressed
that “Fair burden sharing underpins the Alliance’s cohesion, solidarity, credibility, and
ability to fulfil our fundamental Article 3 and Article 5 commitments.”
Further improvements on burden sharing
remains an individual and collective responsibility.
60. Leaders noted that the development of coherent, complementary and interoperable defence
capabilities by the European Union (EU), avoiding unnecessary duplication, contributes to transatlantic
burden sharing.
Progress since 2014:
-
-
-
-
considerable progress with seven consecutive years of real growth in non-US defence expenditure
by end of 2021, European Allies and Canada will have added USD 260 billion
10 Allies expected to spend 2% or more of GDP on defence in 2021 (expectation by 2024: about 20)
24 Allies spending more than 20% of their defence expenditures on major equipment (expectation by
2024: about 27)
The Assembly’s
position:
61. The communiqué is very well in line with well-established Assembly recommendations. In
Declaration 460
in 2020, the NATO PA urged the Alliance “to
continue and reinforce efforts to implement the
Defence Investment Pledge and parallel efforts in terms of capabilities and contributions to operations, as
fair sharing between the Allies of the burdens and responsibilities for defence is crucial for Alliance cohesion
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106 SPE 21 E
and necessary to maintain and, where necessary, rebuild the military capabilities to deter and defend against
potential adversaries; initiatives aimed at reinforcing European defence must be conducted in
complementarity with the strengthening
of NATO”.
One
of the 2021 Committee reports deals with Allied
defence spending and
one
with the broader issue of burden sharing and the transatlantic bond.
2014 Defence Investment Pledge
Taking current commitments into account, we are guided by the following considerations:
o
Allies currently meeting the NATO guideline to spend a minimum of 2% of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on defence
will aim to continue to do so. Likewise, Allies spending more than 20% of their defence budgets on major equipment,
including related Research & Development, will continue to do so.
o
Allies whose current proportion of GDP spent on defence is below this level will:
halt any decline in defence expenditure;
aim to increase defence expenditure in real terms as GDP grows;
aim to move towards the 2% guideline within a decade with a view to meeting their NATO Capability Targets and filling
NATO's capability shortfalls.
o
Allies who currently spend less than 20% of their annual defence spending on major new equipment, including related
Research & Development, will aim, within a decade, to increase their annual investments to 20% or more of total defence
expenditures.
o
All Allies will:
ensure that their land, air and maritime forces meet NATO agreed guidelines for deployability and sustainability and
other agreed output metrics;
ensure that their armed forces can operate together effectively, including through the implementation of agreed NATO
standards and doctrines.
X.
FUNDING A HIGHER LEVEL OF AMBITION
62.
“The NATO 2030 agenda sets a higher level of ambition for NATO”, leaders stressed at the 2021
Summit. Delivering on the eight-point NATO 2030 agenda as well as living up to the three core tasks and the
requirements of the next Strategic Concept necessitates adequate resourcing at the national level and
through NATO common funding.
63.
Allied leaders therefore agreed to set out, at the 2022 Summit, “the specific requirements for additional
funding up to 2030 and the resource implications across the NATO Military Budget, the NATO Security
Investment Programme and the Civil Budget, as well as identify potential efficiency measures.” This could
pave the way to increase NATO common funding starting in 2023. Indeed, the NATO Secretary General
noted during his
press conference that “to do more together, Allies agreed that we also need to invest more
together in NATO” and that “this will require increased resources across all three NATO budgets: military,
civil, and infrastructure.” He highlighted areas such as joint
training and exercises, command and control,
cyber defences, pre-positioned equipment, infrastructure, and capacity-building for partners.
64. Future common funding and its use is likely to be one of the main issues for discussion as Allies prepare
the next Strategic Concept and next NATO Summit.
The Assembly’s position:
65.
The NATO PA has no recently established position on the level of NATO common funding.
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106 SPE 21 E
XI.
IMPACT OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON SECURITY
66.
The Brussels Summit marks a milestone in the Alliance’s approach to climate change.
For the first time
in a Summit communiqué,
Allied leaders agreed climate change is a “threat multiplier that impacts Alliance
security”, calling it “one of the defining challenges of our times”. Climate change is one of the eight NATO
2030 topics.
NATO set three goals for itself in connection to climate change:
-
-
-
become the leading international organisation on understanding and adapting to the impact of climate
change on security
set target for the reduction of emissions by NATO structures and facilities and assess the feasibility of
reaching net zero emissions by 2050
hold regular high-level climate and security dialogue
Next steps:
-
-
-
-
-
implementation of Action Plan on NATO Agenda on Climate Change and Security
annual assessments of the impact of climate change on NATO’s strategic environment, missions and
operations
incorporation of climate change considerations into the full spectrum of work
develop a mapping methodology to help Allies measure emissions from military activities and
installations
strengthen exchanges with partner countries, international and regional organisations as well as the
EU
Additional notes:
67. The 2010 NATO Strategic Concept identified climate change as a key environmental and resource
constraint, alongside health risks, water scarcity and increasing energy needs. The 2012 and 2014 NATO
Summits reiterated this language, but it dropped out of Summit communiqués since then.
The Assembly’s
position
68. The communiqué brings NATO broadly in line with long-standing Assembly recommendations. Since
the 1980s, the Assembly has been a pioneer in identifying and discussing the security impact of climate
change. Since
Resolution 427
in 2015, the Assembly has called upon the Alliance to fully recognize climate
change-related risks as significant threat multipliers.
XII.
NATO’S OPEN DOOR POLICY
69.
The Summit communiqué includes a general reaffirmation that NATO’s door remains open to new
members, but no new steps are taken in relations with the three current aspirants: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Georgia and Ukraine.
70. The Summit reaffirms the decision taken by Allied leaders in Bucharest in 2008 that Georgia and
Ukraine “will become” NATO members, with the Membership Action Plan an integral part of the process.
The emphasis, in the communiqué
and in the NATO Secretary General’s remarks, is on the importance for
aspirants to continue with necessary reforms.
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106 SPE 21 E
Additional notes:
71. Expectations were high, particularly in Ukraine, that the Brussels Summit might endorse a Membership
Action Plan for Ukraine.
Ukrainian authorities had actively campaigned for MAP in the aftermath of Russia’s
military build-up on their borders and in occupied Crimea.
The Assembly’s position:
72.
The Assembly has traditionally been a champion of NATO’s Open Door policy, and
its
declaration 460
on NATO 2030 called on Allies to reaffirm that NATO remains open. It has not called for MAP for Ukraine
and Georgia in its recent recommendations, but the Assembly continues to actively support Ukraine and
Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic
integration through the Ukraine-NATO and Georgia-NATO Interparliamentary
Council. The NATO PA also keeps an active ongoing focus on the Western Balkans.
XIII.
NATO’S CONTRIBUTION TO ARMS CONTROL, NON-PROLIFERATION
AND DISARMAMENT
73.
The Summit communiqué reaffirms the key principles of NATO’s long-standing
policies on arms control,
non-proliferation and disarmament, while taking into account recent positive and negative developments.
74.
-
-
-
-
-
-
Allied leaders thus reaffirmed:
NATO’s
readiness to further strengthen arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation taking into
account the prevailing security environment;
NATO’s commitment to the full implementation of the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in all its aspects;
NATO’s
support for the ultimate goal of a world without nuclear weapons in full accordance with all
provisions of the NPT and based on the principle of undiminished security for all;
NATO’s opposition to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW);
NATO’s concern
about the growing threat posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
(WMD) among state and non-state actors, and commitment to defend against chemical, biological,
radiological and nuclear (CBRN) threats;
NATO’s commitment to uphold the
Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), promote the goals and
objectives of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and support work on a fissile material cut-
off treaty;
NATO’s commitment to preserve, strengthen and modernise conventional arms control in Europe
as
well as call for Russia to return to compliance with all its obligations and commitments.
-
Relations with Russia:
75.
Allied leaders condemned Russia’s direct violation and non-compliance
with an increasing range of
arms control commitments, including the INF Treaty, the CWC and Open Skies Treaty.
76. They welcomed the extension by the United States and Russia of the New START Treaty and
expressed their support for new strategic talks between the United States and Russia on future arms control
measures, “taking into account all Allies’ security”.
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK):
77.
Allied leaders reaffirmed their “full support to the goal of the complete, verifiable, and
irreversible
denuclearisation of North Korea, in accordance with relevant UNSCRs [United Nations Security Council
Resolutions]”.
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106 SPE 21 E
Iran:
78. Allied leaders restated their support for ongoing discussions to revive the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPoA), including as a pathway to addressing further regional and security concerns. They
condemned Iran’s support to proxies and ballistic missile activities in violation of UN Security Council
resolutions and urged Iran to stop its destabilising activities.
Syria:
79.
Allied leaders condemned Syria’s repeated use of chemical weapons and welcomed the suspension of
Syria’s rights and privileges under the CWC. NATO will also continue to monitor the ballistic missile threat
from Syria, particularly to Turkey.
The Assembly’s position:
80. The
Summit’s language on arms control is well in line with the Assembly’s statements. The Assembly
has been supportive of arms control conditional upon the prevailing security environment. It has
welcomed
the extension of New START, while condemning Russia’s ongoing violation of the INF and other arms control
treaties and commitments. It has also
welcomed
the resumption of talks on the JCPoA as a first step towards
addressing a range of other arms control challenges, including Russia’s violations of its international
obligations, the need to engage China in new arms control agreements addressing its modern and growing
nuclear arsenal, and North Korea’s ongoing development of a nuclear arsenal and ballistic missile
programme.
One
of the Assembly’s reports in 2021 deals with the current challenges to nuclear arms control
and strategic stability.
XIV.
NATO’S PARTNERSHIPS
81. The importance of training and building the capacity of partners is one of the eight priorities under
NATO 2030 and the Summit makes reference to specific partnerships, but without providing an overall vision
for the future of
NATO’s partnerships. This might be addressed instead as part of the elaboration of NATO’s
next Strategic Concept.
82. The communiqué does, however, signal an interest in developing existing partnerships and exploring
new partnerships beyond the Euro-Atlantic area to jointly address challenges to the rules-based international
order. Africa, Asia and
for the first time
Latin America are specifically mentioned [see also
values and
international order section].
NATO-EU relations:
83. The communiqué
reiterates NATO’s position on the NATO-EU
strategic partnership as well as including
some new language [see
NATO-EU relations section].
Finland and Sweden:
84. Once again, Finland and Sweden receive a specific reference in a NATO communiqué, highlighting
their specific contribution to Euro-Atlantic security and extensive cooperation with NATO. The communiqué
signals NATO’s intention to further deepen these partnerships.
Georgia and Ukraine:
85. The communiqué reaffirms
the bases of NATO’s close partnerships with Georgia and Ukraine as well
as support for both countries’ Euro-Atlantic
aspiration [see
Open Door section].
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106 SPE 21 E
Western Balkans:
86.
The communiqué reaffirms NATO’s strong commitment
to the security and stability of the Western
Balkans and to supporting the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the countries in the region.
It also signals NATO’s
intention to enhance capacity building support in the region.
87. Allied leaders also reaffirm their support to Bosnia and Herzegovina as an aspirant country and
encourage further progress on necessary reform, without prejudice to a final decision on membership
which
is currently tied up in internal political differences.
88. NATO leaders also reaffirm their ongoing support for the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, for
the NATO-Serbia partnership and for KFOR.
Middle East and Africa:
89. The communiqué largely reiterates previous NATO statements on the importance of close cooperation
with partners in the South [see
Middle East and Africa section].
Belarus:
90. The communiqué includes a specific paragraph expressing concern about ongoing developments in
Belarus, which is a NATO partner, albeit with very limited cooperation. This includes the unacceptable
diversion of a civilian aircraft, and domestic repression. It also urges transparency in connection with the
Zapad-21 exercise conducted together with Russia.
Asia-Pacific
91. The communiqué signals that work is ongoing to enhance political dialogue and practical cooperation
with partners in the region
Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and the Republic of Korea in response to global
security challenges, including to the rules-based international order.
Afghanistan and Central Asia:
92. The communiqué signals that with the withdrawal of NATO forces from Afghanistan, the Alliance opens
a new chapter in relations with Afghanistan [see
Afghanistan section].
It also indicates NATO’s willingness to
explore further cooperation with Central Asia.
The Assembly’s position:
93. Partnerships with lawmakers from countries seeking a closer association with NATO are an essential
dimension of the Assembly’s work. Today, the
Assembly’s partnerships
are wide and deep. The Assembly
complements
and reinforces NATO’s own programme of partnership and cooperation.
94. The NATO PA regularly calls upon NATO to develop its partnership programmes, including with the
above partners.
Such calls are mainstreamed throughout the Assembly’s work, reports and
resolutions. In
2020, NATO PA lawmakers put specific emphasis on partnerships in the
Western Balkans, the Gulf
and the
Black Sea
regions, on
defence capacity building
and on the
NATO-EU partnership. Declaration 460
also
underlined the importance of partners, with one of the three suggested priorities for NATO 2030 being “An
Alliance with a Global Voice and Broad Network of Partners”.
In 2021, the Assembly
put a special emphasis
on NATO partners in
Asia
in a report on science and technology cooperation and in the Middle East and
North Africa through reports on the
Mediterranean security agenda,
the
ten-year anniversary of the Arab
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106 SPE 21 E
Spring
and
Iraq.
One report also deals with the situation in
Belarus.
1
Moreover, the 2021 Spring Session was
hosted by
Sweden,
albeit online.
XV. NATO-EU RELATIONS
95.
-
-
-
The Summit communiqué reaffirmed the
main pillars of NATO’s policy towards the
EU, namely:
Recognition of the NATO-EU
strategic partnership and the EU’s role as a unique and essential partner
for NATO;
Reaffirmation that NATO remains “the transatlantic framework for strong
collective defence and the
essential forum for security consultations and decisions among Allies”;
Recognition of “the importance of a stronger and more capable European defence”, and support for
“the development of coherent, complementary and interoperable
defence capabilities, avoiding
unnecessary duplication”;
NATO’s call for non-EU Allies’ fullest involvement in European defence efforts;
NATO’s readiness to “further strengthen [the] strategic partnership [with the EU] in a spirit of full mutual
openness,
transparency, complementarity, and respect for the organisations’ different mandates,
decision-making
autonomy and institutional integrity, and as agreed by the two organisations”, including
by fully implementing the common set of 74 proposals; and
NATO’s
support for the ongoing political dialogue with the EU.
At the same time, the communiqué includes several new statements on NATO-EU relations.
-
-
-
96.
97. First, Allied leaders specifically cite the EU as a key partner in efforts to defend the rules-based
international order
one of the key priorities for NATO 2030
as well as in relations with China and in
promoting stability in Iraq.
98. Second, the Summit communiqué lists a number of new developments and priority areas in the strategic
environment which provide opportunities for closer NATO-EU cooperation, namely: resilience, emerging and
disruptive technologies, security implications of climate change, disinformation and growing geostrategic
competition.
99. Third, the communiqué makes an indirect reference to the concomitant processes of NATO updating
its Strategic Concept and the EU developing its Strategic Compass as an opportunity for further consultation
and cooperation.
The Assembly’s position:
100. In line with the Summit communiqué, the Assembly has generally welcomed the strengthening of the
NATO--EU strategic partnership. In its recommendations on NATO 2030, it has also identified the EU as a
key partner in addressing the challenges posed by China’s rise. At the same time, the Assembly has
consistently
stressed the importance of coherence and complementarity and reaffirmed NATO’s unique role
as the principal forum for transatlantic consultation and guarantor of collective defence. The Assembly also
insists on the need to fully involve non-EU Allied countries.
1
The Parliament of Belarus was granted Associate membership in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in 1992 but
its status remains suspended since 1997.
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106 SPE 21 E
XVI. AFGHANISTAN
101.
The Summit confirmed the end of NATO’s military operations in Afghanistan, while restating the pillars
of NATO’s new relationship with, and support for, Afghanistan, namely:
-
-
-
-
-
ongoing training and financial support to the Afghan National Defence and Security Forces, including
through the Afghan National Army Trust Fund
ongoing diplomatic engagement, including through the office of the NATO Senior Civilian
Representative in Kabul
transitional funding to ensure continued functioning of the Kabul airport
dialogue on Afghanistan with relevant international and regional partners
support for the ongoing peace process.
The Assembly’s position:
102. The Assembly has
welcomed
Allies’ decision to end NATO’s military presence in Afghanistan, while
stressing the need to hold all actors in Afghanistan, particularly the Taliban, to their commitments to
guarantee that Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups in Afghanistan can never again threaten Allied security,
and to protect the significant political, economic, and social gains made by Afghan citizens, especially women
and girls, since 2001.
XVII. THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA
103.
The 2021 Summit made clear that Allied leaders remain committed to enhancing NATO’s long-standing
engagement in the Middle East and Africa, working with partner nations and relevant international
organisations.
104. While staying the course on its established policies and efforts, one of the eight NATO 2030 planks is
the substantial strengthening of NATO’s ability to provide training and capacity building support to partners.
Such training and capacity building is particularly relevant in the Middle East and Africa.
105. Leaders also committed to strengthening political dialogue and practical cooperation with
NATO’s
Mediterranean Dialogue (MD) and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI) partners.
106. In Iraq, the Alliance will strengthen its support through the NATO Mission Iraq.
107. Concerning the crisis in Libya, Allied leaders
welcome recent progress achieved and “remain committed
to providing advice to Libya, upon its request, in the area of defence and security institution building, taking
into account political and security conditions.”
108. While NATO has no involvement in Syria, the communiqué notes that the conflict
“continues to have
significant consequences on the stability of the region and the
security of NATO’s south-eastern border”.
NATO stands ready to defend NATO territory and borders.
109. Leaders reaffirmed their earlier statements that the deteriorating situation in the Sahel region matters
to NATO’s collective security and that the Alliance “remains open, upon request, to consider further
engagements in the region.”
NATO currently focuses on the long-standing partnership with Mauritania and
dialogue with relevant institutional actors in the region. Going forward, NATO will enhance its engagement
with the G5 Sahel structures.
The Assembly’s position:
110. The NATO PA maintains a strong emphasis on political, economic, and strategic
developments in the
Middle East and Africa,
as the Euro-Atlantic
community’s security, prosperity, and stability are directly linked
to developments in these regions. The communiqué is very well aligned with the Assembly positions, for
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106 SPE 21 E
example
Declaration 460’s
call “to strengthen support to stability and defence and related security capacity
building in the partner countries
[…] and to support selected partners upon request”.
The
Mediterranean and
Middle East Special Group’s
report for 2021 focuses specifically on
Iraq, while two other Committee reports
deal with
political
and
security
developments in the region.
XVIII. WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY
111. Allied leaders recommitted to fully implementing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda set
out by the UN Security Council in all aspects of NATO’s own work and with partners. They underscored “the
critical importance of women’s full, equal, and meaningful participation in all aspects of peace and stability,
as well as the disproportionate impact that conflict has on women and girls”.
112. Addressing the peace process in Afghanistan, Allied leaders also stressed that a lasting inclusive
political settlement should protect “the human rights of Afghans, particularly women, children, and minorities”.
113.
Leaders also endorsed NATO’s new Policy on Preventing and
Responding to Conflict-Related Sexual
Violence to address such violence, which has devastating consequences on individuals, families, and entire
communities, can prolong conflict, trigger displacement, foster instability and is an impediment to sustainable
peace.
114.
In Jordan, NATO also contributed to the establishment of a Military Women’s Training Centre.
The Assembly’s position:
115. The Assembly has long been
a steadfast champion of the Women, Peace and Security agenda.
In
2020 again, Assembly members demonstrated their continuous commitment. The policy recommendations
outlined in
Declaration 460
and
Resolution 461
are in line with the communiqué language. The new Policy
on Preventing and Responding to Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, in particular, is a welcome new step in
line with a specific Assembly recommendation. However, more efforts are needed, and Resolution 461
outlines efforts Allies and NATO should pursue.
XIX.
NATO’S NEXT STRATEGIC CONCEPT
116.
NATO leaders tasked the Secretary General to lead the development of NATO’s next Strategic Concept
– the Alliance’s main strategic guidance
document
until the next NATO Summit in 2022 (which would also
be the current Secretary General’s last
Summit). The current Strategic Concept dates back to 2010. In
presenting this decision, the Secretary General highlighted two main drivers of this revision: to reaffirm
NATO’s values and to reflect the significant changes in the security environment.
117. No information has yet been made public about the process of revision of the Strategic Concept.
However, the language in the communiqué suggests it will likely be a much less elaborate process than in
2010, which involved extensive consultations, including through an independent group of experts led by
Madeleine Albright.
The Assembly’s position:
118. The Assembly has been urging NATO to adopt a new Strategic Concept since 2018 and made clear
its readiness to contribute actively to the process
just as it did in 2010.
________________
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