Udenrigsudvalget 2018-19 (1. samling)
URU Alm.del Bilag 121
Offentligt
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Den 1. februar 2019
The role of the UN in international peace and security
This is a quick follow-up from the conference on 17 January 2019. The discussions were too rich to sum up
comprehensively, but please find a couple of takeaways and observations below. Moreover, we have
created a website with additional information, which may serve as an aide-mémoire. Here you will find
one-minute video clips with some of the speakers, photographs, links to the streaming videos, and links to
media coverage from the conference:
https://cms.polsci.ku.dk/nyheder/konference-the-future-of-the-un-
in-international-peace-and-security/
(English version also available). If you would like to stay updated on
relevant events in the future,
please also see Da ish UN Asso iatio ’s ale da fo o e i fo atio :
http://www.fnforbundet.dk/aktuelt/det-sker-i-fn-forbundet.
Background for discussing the role of the UN in peace and security
Shifts in global conflict patterns have increasingly led to discussions about whether a new world order is in
the aki g. O e uestio that follo s is the effe ti e ess of the UN’s a ility to ai tai i te atio al
peace and security. In this context, the conference was conceived in order to make a thorough analysis of
what role the UN can and should play in international peace and security in the future. More specifically,
the issue was broken down into four themes, each of which were covered by a panel of the most relevant
experts and stakeholders:
1.
2.
3.
4.
The UN’s positio i the e glo al o de
The UN’s o fli t a age e t: Bet ee pea ekeepi g, p e e tio , hu a
The UN’s efo s: P og ess o deadlo k?
Political debate
o the UN’s pla e i Da ish fo eig poli y
ights a d de elop e t
Main takeaways
Weakened support for multilateralism but increased need. There are no more super powers to police
the liberal world order and sustain the rules-based system of multilateralism built up since the
esta lish e t of the UN. This is a syste i featu e of o ld politi s today, a d T u p’s fo eig poli y,
Brexit, the annexation of Crimea, are symptoms rather than causes of this new situation. This does not
mean that the UN is obsolete. On the contrary, the necessity of a meeting place to discuss what the
new world order should look like, is as relevant as ever
even if the Security Council is likely to remain
gridlocked, and the new great power dynamics have to be taken into account.
Sustained, robust peacekeeping. Since 2015 the concept of sustaining peace has become central to the
UN. This new understanding in the UN is that peacebuilding is relevant throughout the conflict cycle.
This has led to an ambition of breaking down the silos between the large peacekeeping operations with
their military components on the one side, and the political missions on the other. At the same time,
peace operations have moved towards a more assertive view of impartiality, which i.e. means that
uniformed peacekeepers use more robust force to defend their mandates. This is not least the case
when peace operations have to balance between protecting civilians and their human rights on the one
side, and dealing with host governments as the perpetrators.
URU, Alm.del - 2018-19 (1. samling) - Bilag 121: Opfølgning på konference om FN's fremtid i international fred og sikkerhed
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The on-going reform agenda at the UN is a step in the right direction for making the UN fit for purpose,
but constant pressure is needed for the reforms to be successfully implemented. This is particularly
important because there is no constitutional moment, where a complete re-thinking of the UN could
take place, and so the way forward is to incrementally improve on the existing structures. On the
Security Council, this means improving the working methods, and on the UN Secretariat it means
support for on-going reforms and for the Action for Peacekeeping initiative.
Observations and recommendations
Two main positions emerged among the politicians: the first being that the UN plays the role in Danish
fo eig poli y that it dese es, ea i g that i light of the UN’s halle ges, it ould ot gi e De a k
sufficient return on investment to increase engagement with the UN. The second position was that the
UN can be a cost-effective and normatively preferable way of handling peace and security concerns,
and that Denmark should therefore consider shifting more resources to the UN, e.g. by increasing
funding or the deployment of personnel and equipment.
Denmark could benefit from winning its candidacy for Security Council membership. To be elected,
however, Denmark has to contribute enough to peace and security to be seen as relevant by the UN
General Assembly. It was also highlighted that the campaign needs to start now, and that a good tactic
could include funding strategic parts of the UN Secretariat as well as multilateral think tanks. Then,
when on the Council, Denmark should not fall into the trap of many elected members, which often
leave the initiative to the permanent members. Instead, bold initiatives based on Danish values and a
sincere effort on subsidiary bodies would be the way to make a difference. To navigate in the Council, it
was seen as necessary to prepare by gaining expertise in the conflicts on the agenda as well as the
Cou il’s ules of p o edu e.
Troels Gauslå Engell
University of Copenhagen
Department of Political Science
Centre for Military Studies
Øster Farimagsgade 5
Room 8.1.03
DK-1353 Copenhagen
Denmark
MOB +45 30 74 64 01
[email protected]
http://cms.polsci.ku.dk/
Latest article: “Conflict
prevention as pragmatic response to a twofold
crisis: liberal interventionism and Burundi”, in
International Affairs (2018):
https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/94/2/363/4872625