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JOU RNE Y TO E X TREMISM IN AFRIC A
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Copyright © 2017
by the United Nations Development Programme
Regional Bureau for Africa
1 UN Plaza, New York, NY 10071, USA
For more information, visit
www.journey-to-extremism.undp.org
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JOU RNE Y TO E X TREMISM IN AFRIC A :
DRIVER S , INCENTIVES AND
THE TIPPING P OINT FOR RECRUITMENT
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iii
‘I am convinced that the
creation of open, equitable,
inclusive and pluralist societies,
based on the full respect
of human rights and with
economic opportunities for all,
represents the most tangible
and meaningful alternative
to violent extremism.’
António Guterres
United Nations Secretary-General
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Photo Paul Bradbury / Gallery Stock
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FOREWORD
Preventing and Responding
to Violent Extremism in Africa
The expanding reach and destructive consequences
of violent extremism are among the major challenges
to peace faced in today’s world. In Africa, 33,300
fatalities are estimated to have been caused by
extremism between 2011 and 2016, with related
displacement and economic devastation contributing
to among the worst humanitarian catastrophes
ever seen on the continent. Violent extremism is
also posing a direct and manifest challenge to the
gains enjoyed by many countries over recent years,
and threatens to stunt development outcomes for
generations to come if left unchecked. The steep
rise in violent extremist activity in Africa repre-
sents a significant threat to global security and
development overall.
Development actors are uniquely placed within the
overall response architecture for tackling violent
extremism, and have an integral role to
play in averting the threats posed by preventing
and transforming it. Development expertise and
resourcing can be leveraged to address structural
drivers; to support communities in implementing
deradicalization initiatives; and to help ensure that
former members of violent extremist organizations
are socio-economically reintegrated, among many
other critical areas, many of which are explored
in this report.
Many partners are already taking up the challenge
with new programmes and initiatives, and wide-
ranging Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE)
interventions. However, the question remains open
as to how to most effectively respond. Collective
reflection is needed on lessons that emerge from
past and present interventions – not only on the
development side, but also across the mainstream
of counter-terrorism. To date, overall success is
mixed at best, as insecurity continues to deepen.
The challenges also demand a closer nexus between
the security and development arms of government,
and more integrated ways of working than has yet
been achieved.
UNDP is leveraging its own long-established
presence, partnerships and expertise to contribute
to preventing the threat of violent extremist
expansion across Africa. In 2015, we developed a bold
Africa-wide initiative, Preventing and Responding
to Violent Extremism in Africa: A Development
Approach, which works with national governments
and stakeholders, regional institutions, faith-
based institutions, civil society and many others
to augment PVE interventions while also striving
to contribute new understanding and knowledge.
Through this programme, we are supporting national
and regional partners to develop new strategic
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vii
responses that strike at the core of the conditions
that are conducive to violent extremism. At the
same time, we are working in other areas, such as in
assisting religious leaders to develop curricula for
the governance of religious institutions, and building
bridges between security actors and communities to
reduce distrust and mutual suspicion.
We know the drivers and enablers of violent
extremism are multiple, complex and context-
specific, while having religious, ideological, political,
economic and historical dimensions. They defy easy
analysis, and understanding of the phenomenon
remains incomplete.
Undertaken as part of the UNDP Africa PVE
programme, the
Journey to Extremism in Africa
study
has been a complex two-year intervention explicitly
designed to respond to knowledge and evidence gaps
– building on our earlier work exploring perceptions
on radicalization, violence and insecurity in the
Sahel. Specifically, it aims to generate improved
understanding about the incentives and drivers of
violent extremism, as expressed by recruits to the
continent’s deadliest groups themselves. Our team
has travelled to remote areas of Africa to conduct the
largest ever number of interviews with individuals
who have been recruited by violent extremist groups.
Our intention has been to develop a picture of the
typical ‘journey map’ to violent extremism: from
childhood, through to the ‘tipping point’ for recruit-
ment, and even on to demobilization. We have drawn
on our expertise from across the organization to
interpret the resulting dataset, and to identify where
development actions can help build resilience.
We believe this study provides important findings
about violent extremism in Africa with direct
implications for policy and programming. The
Journey to Extremism
study assesses and suggests a
reframing of some key aspects of existing responses,
while confirming the relevance and need for
deepening in other areas. I am delighted to invite
you to read on, and to urge our collective focus and
efforts to stem and transform violent extremism in
Africa, towards sustainable development and peace.
Abdoulaye Mar Dieye
Assistant Administrator and Director
Regional Bureau for Africa, UNDP
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ix
The
Journey to Extremism in Africa
team who collaborated
in producing the research indings and the present
aggregate report included: Ozonnia Ojielo, Mohamed Yahya,
Jessica Banield, Chinpihoi Kipgen, Anneli Botha, Ilwad
Elman, Sandra Macharia, Simon Ridley, Njoya Tikum,
Fauziya Abdi Ali, Andie Davis, Natalia Voronova, Duhitha
Wijeyratne, Kristin Hagegård and Janneke van Hemmen.
of Cameroon, the Government of Kenya, the Government
of Niger, the Federal Government of Nigeria, the Federal
Government of Somalia, and the Government of Sudan for
their support in enabling the interviews that formed the
basis of this research; and to our partner organizations as
well as individuals who led the ield research: the Elman
Peace and Human Rights Centre in Somalia, Building
Resilience to Violent Extremism (BRAVE) in Kenya, Neem
The team expresses its sincere thanks to Abdoulaye Mar
Foundation in Nigeria, Professor Issa Saibou in Cameroon,
Dieye, Assistant Administrator and Director of the Regional and Khalid Eltahir of UNDP in Sudan. The drafting of this
Bureau for Africa, UNDP, for his strategic vision and
report was greatly enriched by the expertise shared by a
leadership, without which this research would not have been number of UNDP and other colleagues, who took the time
carried out. We are also deeply grateful for the inancial
to review and comment at diferent stages, and whom we
support provided to this ambitious project and for the
also thank for their insights.
conidence shown in our work by the Government of Japan,
the Government of the Netherlands and the Government
We thank Studio Mnemonic for expert graphics and design.
of Sweden. We are furthermore grateful to the Government
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CONTENTS
List of igures
Executive summary
2
4
Introduction
Demographic proile of research sample
Chapter 1: Family circumstances, childhood and education
Chapter 2: Religious ideologies
Chapter 3: Economic factors
Chapter 4: State and citizenship
Chapter 5: The ‘tipping point’ and recruitment process
12
22
32
44
54
62
72
Journey to Extremism in Africa:
Proile infographic
Implications for policy and programming
82
84
Endnotes
References
94
98
Annex 1: Overview of the econometric analysis
100
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2
LIST OF FIGURES
page
page
Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3
Figure 4
Figure 5
Figure 6
Figure 7
Figure 8
Figure 9
NUMBER OF ATTACKS AND DEATHS FROM
TERRORISM IN 2015
By region
FATALITIES FROM TERRORIST ATTACKS
IN AFRICA 2000-2016
DISTRIBUTION OF INTERVIEWS
By country
DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS
By category and country of interview
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
By organization and country
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
By current status in organization
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
By organization, category and gender
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
By positIon in organization
CATEGORY OF RESPONDENTS
By gender
Figure 18
13
14
23
23
24
24
25
25
26
RATING OF CHILDHOOD HAPPINESS
By category of respondent
36
Figure 19 RATING OF CHILDHOOD HAPPINESS AGAINST
PARENT INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST WHILE
GROWING UP
Figure 20 RATING OF PARENT INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST
IN RESPONDENT’S LIFE
By category of respondent
Figure 21
‘WAS YOUR MOTHER PRESENT GROWING UP?’
By category of respondent
37
37
37
Figure 22 PARENT PRESENCE AND RATING OF PARENT
INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST IN RESPONDENT’S
LIFE WHILE GROWING UP
By category of respondent
Figure 23 IF PUNISHED AS A CHILD, TYPE OF
PUNISHMENT RECEIVED
By category of respondent
Figure 24 NUMBER OF YEARS OF SECULAR EDUCATION
Voluntary and reference groups
38
38
39
40
46
Figure 10 DISTRIBUTION OF AGE GROUP
AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
By gender and category of respondent
Figure 11
Figure 12
Figure 13
DISTRIBUTION OF AGE WHEN RECRUITED
Voluntary group
MARITAL STATUS AND NUMBER OF CHILDREN
By category of respondent
DISTRIBUTION OF RELIGION WHILE
GROWING UP
By category of respondent
26
27
27
27
Figure 25 ‘DID YOU SING THE NATIONAL ANTHEM AS
A CHILD?’
By category of respondent
Figure 26 REASONS FOR JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
Voluntary group
Figure 27 ‘DO YOU THINK PEOPLE BELONGING
TO DIFFERENT RELIGIONS SHOULD BE
TREATED EQUALLY?’
By category of respondent and gender
Figure 28 ‘DID YOU CONSIDER YOUR RELIGION TO
BE UNDER THREAT?’
By category of respondent
Figure 29 RATING OF SIZE/MAGNITUDE AND
INFLUENCE OF RELIGION IN COUNTRY
By category of respondent
Figure 30 RATING OF WILLINGESS TO DIE FOR THE
FOLLOWING
By category of respondent
Figure 14 WHERE RESPONDENT SPENT HIS/HER
CHILDHOOD (UNTIL 15TH BIRTHDAY)
Respondents from Kenya, Nigeria and Somalia
Figure 15
MOVEMENT DURING CHILDHOOD
(UNTIL 15TH BIRTHDAY)
By category of respondent
47
34
47
35
48
48
49
49
Figure 16 ‘GROWING UP, DID YOU ATTEND SCHOOL
WITH CHILDREN BELONGING TO OTHER
ETHNIC GROUPS?’
By category of respondent
Figure 17
‘DID YOU CONSIDER YOUR ETHNIC GROUP
TO BE UNDER THREAT?’
By category of respondent
35
Figure 31
NUMBER OF YEARS OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION
RECEIVED
By category of respondent
35
Figure 32 NUMBER OF CHAPTERS OF THE QURAN
MEMORIZED
By category of respondent
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page
page
Figure 33 READING COMPARED TO UNDERSTANDING
OF THE QURAN
Voluntary group
Figure 34 MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY INDEX (MPI)
By region in Kenya (2014)
Figure 35 MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY INDEX (MPI)
By state in Nigeria (2013)
Figure 36 ‘WHAT DID YOU DO BEFORE YOU GOT
INVOLVED WITH THE ORGANIZATION
(OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW)?’
By category of respondent
Figure 37 PERIOD BETWEEN INTRODUCTION AND
JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
Voluntary by type of employment
Figure 38 TYPE OF EMPLOYMENT (IF EMPLOYED)
By country of interview
Figure 39 MOST IMMEDIATE NEED AT TIME OF
JOINING THE ORGANIZATION (OR AT TIME
OF INTERVIEW)
By category of respondent
Figure 40 RATING OF FRUSTRATION AT THE FOLLOWING
Voluntary group
Figure 41
‘WERE YOU PAID FOR BEING A MEMBER
OF THE ORGANIZATION?’
Voluntary and forced groups
50
56
56
Figure 47 ‘DO YOU THINK ELECTIONS CAN BRING CHANGE?’
By category of respondent
66
Figure 48 ‘HOW PROUD ARE YOU OF YOUR COUNTRY?’
By category of respondent
Figure 49 ‘RATE YOUR WILLINGNESS TO DIE FOR
YOUR COUNTRY’
By category of respondent
Figure 50 SPECIFIC INCIDENT THAT FINALLY MOTIVATED
RESPONDENT TO JOIN THE ORGANIZATION
Voluntary group
67
67
74
74
57
Figure 51
EMOTION THAT BEST CAPTURES DECISION
TO JOIN
Voluntary group
57
57
Figure 52 ‘WHO INTRODUCED YOU TO THE ORGANIZATION?’
Voluntary group
75
Figure 53 PERIOD BETWEEN INTRODUCTION AND
JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
Voluntary group by organization
Figure 54 FREQUENCY OF INTERNET USE
By category of respondent and country
of interview
Figure 55 ‘HAVE YOU EVER BEEN APPROACHED TO
JOIN AN EXTREMIST ORGANIZATION?’
Reference
group by country of interview
Figure 56 RATING OF TOP REASONS FOR NOT JOINING
EXTREMIST ORGANIZATION
Reference group
Figure 57 ‘WERE YOU AWARE OF ANY INITIATIVES
TO PREVENT PEOPLE FROM JOINING?’
By category of respondent
Figure 58 ‘WHAT PREVENTED YOU FROM CONSIDERING
THESE INTIATIVES?’
Voluntary group by country of interview
Figure 59 INFLUENCE OF THE FOLLOWING REASONS
IF INDIVIDUAL SURRENDERED OR APPLIED
FOR AMNESTY
Voluntary group
Figure 60 ‘LOOKING BACK, WHAT CHANGES WOULD
YOU WANT TO MAKE?’
Voluntary group by status in organization
Figure 61
FRAMEWORK FOR CLARIFYING RELEVANCE
OF ODA TO PVE
75
58
59
76
76
77
59
Figure 42 ‘DO YOU AGREE WITH THE STATEMENT:
THE GOVERNMENT ONLY LOOKS AFTER
AND PROTECTS THE INTERESTS OF A FEW?’
By category of respondent
Figure 43 RATING OF GOVERNMENT SUCCESS IN
PROVISION OF THE FOLLOWING
By category of respondent
Figure 44 ‘DID YOU EVER PAY A BRIBE?’
By category of respondent
Figure 45 RATING OF TRUST IN THE FOLLOWING
PEOPLE AND INSTITUTIONS
By category of respondent
Figure 46 ‘HAVE YOU EVER VOTED IN ELECTIONS?’
By category of respondent
63
77
64
64
78
78
65
66
79
89
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4
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Violent extremism in Africa is setting in motion a
dramatic reversal of development gains and threatening
to stunt prospects of development for decades to come.
From 2011 to 2016, it caused 33,300 fatalities as well
as widespread displacement, creating situations of
pronounced and critical humanitarian need. The 2015
United Nations Plan of Action on Preventing Violent
Extremism urges the global community of states to
pay closer attention to the root causes and drivers of
violent extremism, after decades of overconcentration
on militarized approaches.
The
Journey to Extremism in Africa
report represents
a major output of UNDP Africa’s Preventing and
Responding to Violent Extremism in Africa programme,
which has set out since 2015 to provide leadership and
support to national and regional partners in delivering
development-focused and efective responses to the
expanding crises associated with violent extremism
across the continent.
Just as violent extremism profoundly impacts the
attainment of development goals, so the search for
solutions must also place development approaches
at its centre. Still, the evidence base concerning the
causes, consequences and trajectories informing violent
extremism – and what works in preventing it – remains
weak globally. This is particularly true in Africa when
compared to other regions.
The UNDP Africa
Journey to Extremism
study represents
a unique contribution towards creating precisely such
an evidence base concerning the drivers and incentives
for recruitment in Africa. This study is drawn from
an unprecedented number of interviews with former
recruits from multiple violent extremist groups spanning
the continent.
1
The research process was developed
with the objective of understanding the dynamics of
the recruitment process, from its initial conditions and
factors, through to the ‘tipping point’ that triggered
particular individuals to take the step of joining a violent
extremist group where others did not. Analysis of these
indings yields new insights into pathways for more
efective policy and programming responses.
Journey to Extremism in Africa:
Key findings
Starting with the ‘accident of geography’ that is place
of childhood, experiences related to living in highly
peripheral regions of Africa – often borderlands and
traditionally marginalized regions – begin to shape
individuals’ worldview and vulnerability. Long-standing
realities of ‘centre/periphery’ divides have, if anything,
been exacerbated by the recent economic growth enjoyed
overall in Africa. The vulnerabilities of communities
living in such areas (macro- and meso-level factors)
were, in the journeys to extremism of the individuals
interviewed, refracted through micro-level experiences
of early childhood. These included a relative lack of
exposure to people of other religions and ethnicities.
Perception of childhood happiness was lower among
those who went on to join violent extremist groups within
the sample. The critical factor in explaining childhood
unhappiness that correlates with future extremism is
perceived lack of parental involvement in the child’s
life. Further, in environments where overall levels of
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literacy and education are low, individuals who later
join violent extremist groups are found in this research
to be particularly deprived in educational terms. Their
experience of civic engagement in childhood was also low.
The indings also clearly diferentiate between perceptions
about religion and its signiicance as a reason for joining
violent extremist groups, and actual religious literacy.
Fifty-one percent of respondents selected religion as a
reason for joining. However, as many as 57 percent of the
respondents also admitted to limited or no understanding
of religious texts. Indeed, higher than average years of
religious schooling appears to have been a source of
resilience. These indings challenge rising Islamophobic
rhetoric that has intensiied in response to violent
extremism globally, and demonstrate that fostering
greater understanding of religion, through methods that
enable students to question and engage critically with
teachings, is a key resource for PVE. Further, feeling
that ‘religion is under threat’ was found to be a common
perspective among many respondents. This sounds a
warning that recruitment by violent extremist groups in
Africa, using religion as a touchstone for other context-
based grievances, can readily expand.
than did counterparts either in vulnerable employment
or unemployed. Respondents report uneven experiences
in receiving salaries for being active members of violent
extremist groups: some were paid above the local average,
whereas at least 35 percent were not paid at all during their
period of recruitment.
The research makes clear that a sense of grievance
towards, and limited conidence in, government is
widespread in the regions of Africa associated with the
highest incidence of violent extremism. This may be an
inevitable corollary of the life experience of growing up
in the context of acute and relative multidimensional
poverty, neglect and political marginalization afecting
these areas. However, disafection with government
is highest by signiicant margins among the
Journey to
Extremism
respondents who were recruited by violent
extremist groups across several key indicators. These
include: belief that government only looks after the
interests of a few; low level of trust in government
authorities; and experience, or willingness to report
experience, of bribe-paying. Grievances against security
actors, as well as politicians, are particularly marked, with
an average of 78 percent rating low levels of trust in the
police, politicians and military. Those most susceptible
to recruitment express a signiicantly lower degree of
conidence in the potential for democratic institutions
to deliver progress or meaningful change. Meanwhile,
positive experience of efective service provision is
conirmed as a source of resilience: respondents who
believed that governments’ provision of education was
either ‘excellent’ or ‘improving’ were less likely to be a
member of a violent extremist group, within the sample.
The research speciically set out to discover what pushed
a handful of individuals to join violent extremist groups,
when many others facing similar sets of circumstances did
not. This speciic moment or factor is referred to as the
‘tipping point’. The idea of a transformative trigger that
pushes individuals decisively from the ‘at-risk’ category to
actually taking the step of joining is substantiated by the
Journey to Extremism
data. A striking 71 percent pointed to
‘government action’, including ‘killing of a family member
or friend’ or ‘arrest of a family member or friend’, as the
incident that prompted them to join. These indings throw
into stark relief the question of how counter-terrorism
and wider security functions of governments in at-risk
environments conduct themselves with regard to human
rights and due process. State security-actor conduct is
revealed as a prominent accelerator of recruitment, rather
than the reverse.
5
Just as violent extremism profoundly
impacts the attainment of development
goals, so the search for solutions must
also place development approaches
at its centre
The
Journey to Extremism
research unequivocally
underscores the relevance of economic factors as drivers
of recruitment. The grievances associated with growing
up in contexts where multidimensional poverty is high
and far deeper than national averages, with the lived
reality of unemployment and underemployment, render
‘economic factors’ a major source of frustration identiied
by those who joined violent extremist groups. This is a key
dimension of individuals’ vulnerability to narratives that
invite them to channel such grievances and associated
desperation into the cause of extremism. If an individual
was studying or working, it emerged that that he or she
would be less likely to become a member of an extremist
organization. Employment is the single most frequently
cited ‘immediate need’ faced at the time of joining.
Individuals who joined but were studying or employed
(not in vulnerable employment) at the time of joining
the organization took longer to take the decision to join
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Forty-eight percent of respondents joined in less than
a month from irst contact with the organization in
question, and 80 percent in less than a year. This speed
of recruitment shows the depth of the vulnerability
faced. Emotions of ‘hope/excitement’ and ‘being part of
something bigger’ were high among those who joined,
indicating the ‘pull’ of opportunity for radical change
and rebellion against the
status quo
of circumstances
that is presented by violent extremism. Despite the highly
personal aspects of the journey to extremism, local
community social networks were also inluential.
Indeed, the journey to extremism in Africa appears
to rely signiicantly less heavily than in other regions
on the Internet as a venue for recruitment.
The highly localized nature of recruitment that is
suggested by the indings has important implications for
response strategies and the search for solutions that are
tailored to Africa’s circumstances. The research found
that respondents who were aware of initiatives to prevent
people from joining slowed down the pace of recruitment.
Forty-eight percent of those who joined violent extremist
groups were aware of PVE initiatives, however identiied
distrust of those delivering these programmes as one of
the primary reasons for not taking part.
Grievances against government and state security
actors are particularly pronounced among those most
vulnerable to recruitment, who also express deep-seated
scepticism about the possibility of positive change. The
speed with which recruitment has to date been shown
to take place by this research illustrates the ‘ripeness’
for recruitment of those who do make the journey, and
hence the depth of Africa’s vulnerability. Although
recruitment is largely highly localized, steadily increasing
connectivity across Africa will enable recruitment to
expand over time, perhaps leading to larger numbers
of African foreign ighters joining theatres of conlict
outside of their immediate environments. Indeed, there
is a very real prospect of an even greater spread of violent
extremism in Africa than has been witnessed in recent
years, with further associated devastation and backsliding
in development terms. This warrants concerted eforts
both to guard against and transform it. The window
for sustained action to prevent and respond to violent
extremism is now.
I. Policy implications
Delivering on global human rights commitments
and rights-based approaches to militarized and
state-centric counter-terrorism responses
The
Journey to Extremism
research provides startling new
evidence of just how directly counter-productive security-
driven responses can be when conducted insensitively.
These indings suggest that a dramatic reappraisal of
state security-focused interventions is urgently required,
including more efective oversight of human rights
compliance, rule of law and state accountability. Going
forward, it is essential to long-term outcomes that
international commitments – such as those shared across
United Nations member states – to human rights and
rule of law, citizens’ participation and protection, and
accountability of state security forces be actively upheld
by all. It is also critical to ensure that there are no counter-
productive results from counter-terrorism, particularly
in regard to civic participation. In the absence of ‘state
legitimacy’, in the eyes of citizens living in high-risk areas,
initiatives that focus exclusively on state capacity-building
run the risk of perpetuating malign power structures,
which are overt drivers of violent extremist recruitment
in Africa.
Responding to violent extremism in Africa:
Policy and programming implications
Africa faces a unique vulnerability to violent extremism
that is shaped by persistent underdevelopment and
incomplete peacebuilding and state-building in key
regions. There are immense challenges faced by
governments: in delivering peace and stability, and in
ensuring that the pace and beneits of growth keep up
with the expansion of the most youthful population in the
world. Narratives of radical upheaval and change, which
appeal to the multifaceted sense of grievance that may
envelop an individual whose horizons promise no path
for advancement, will continue to be attractive as long as
underlying circumstances remain unaddressed. Where
there is injustice, deprivation and desperation, violent
extremist ideologies present themselves as a challenge
to the
status quo
and a form of escape. The message is
tailored by recruiters to suit diferent contexts as well as
diferent types of individuals. Still, low levels of education
and a reliance on intermediaries to interpret religion
allows largely imported ideologies to serve as a lightning
conductor for the frustration and anger that is the
inevitable consequence of generations of socio-economic
and political marginalization.
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Reinvigorating state legitimacy through improved
governance performance and accountability
The importance of state legitimacy to delivering
peacebuilding and state-building objectives is well-
established globally. Sustainable Development Goal
(SDG) 16 calls for the promotion of peaceful and inclusive
societies for sustainable development, access to justice for
all, and efective, accountable and inclusive institutions
at all levels. The research suggests that improved public
policy and delivery of good governance by African
governments confronted with violent extremism will
ultimately represent a far more efective source of counter-
terrorism and PVE than continued overconcentration on
security-focused interventions. The
Journey to Extremism
indings call for a reinvigoration of commitment by states
to upgrading the quality and accountability of institutions
across service-delivery areas, at the national and sub-
national levels, above all in at-risk areas. Deepening the
democratic process and closely guarding its integrity,
beyond the moment of elections, into a wider commitment
to an inclusive social contract between government and
citizens, as well as meaningful opportunities for civic
engagement and participation in the national development
agenda, are also highly relevant policy responses.
includes the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in
at-risk areas would provide an important foundation for
long-term resilience.
Following a wider convergence between security and
development over the past decade, and as signalled by
the 2015 United Nations Plan of Action and other related
policy frameworks, there is now increasing high-level
recognition of the importance of development approaches
in tackling the root causes, drivers and consequences of
violent extremism as they variously play out in diferent
settings. Challenges persist in integrating institutional
perspectives across security, peacebuilding and
development arms of government. Streamlining responses
and drawing on all relevant departments and capacities,
ensuring responses to violent extremism are embedded
and coordinated, must intensify to ensure comprehensive
strategies and lasting results.
At the same time, even as the development dimensions
of violent extremism are gaining higher recognition, key
development partner governments have already reduced
or are considering reductions in oicial development
assistance (ODA) expenditure. This sets the scenario of
the range of resources invested in building peace and
amplifying development gains shrinking, even as military
expenditure continues to grow. Pulling back international
support for accelerating development progress in areas
at-risk of violent extremism in Africa would be
unconstructive in the extreme. African states must
themselves leverage ODA as well as domestic resources
more efectively for prevention and response eforts.
Military solutions alone will not deliver. Development
budgets must be protected and smart, targeted PVE
programming expanded by national and international
actors alike if lasting results are to be achieved.
7
Connecting PVE with peacebuilding and
sustainable development policy frameworks
In addition to the critical importance of improved
governance environments, the
Journey to Extremism
study underscores a spectrum of priorities and entry
points along the journey of the individuals interviewed
where diferent outcomes may have been achieved.
These represent opportunities to directly inluence and
reduce further expansion of violent extremism in Africa.
Indeed, accelerated implementation of the Transforming
Our World: Sustainable Development Agenda 2030 that
Where there is injustice,
deprivation and desperation,
violent extremist ideologies
present themselves as a
challenge to the
status quo
and a form of escape
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8
Clarifying tiers of relevance between
ODA and PVE
At present, the global context in which international
development budgets are facing shrinkage has created a
signiicant inducement for development programming in
at-risk African contexts to be rebranded as PVE-related.
This brings its own challenges. Observers have raised
concerns about the ‘securitization of aid’. They have
also lagged the potential pitfalls that may arise through
framing development interventions as PVE in highly
charged political contexts.
Further, as yet there is limited consensus on precisely
how diferent types of development programmes actually
deliver PVE results. Development interventions that have
the building of more peaceful and inclusive societies
as core objectives are important. While
conducive
in
a generalized sense to reducing the scope for violent
extremism, confusion between these and more immediate
PVE goals should be avoided. There is a clear argument
for protecting development interventions in at-risk
environments while at the same time expanding PVE-
speciic programming. In order to inform and shape more
targeted programmatic responses, greater understanding
of what this means for policy and programming needs
to be articulated and internalized across relevant
government institutions. (The full
Journey to Extremism
report includes such a framework.)
responds to the invariably transboundary nature of violent
extremist group activity, with some regional organizations
beginning to develop their own strategies on PVE. In time,
these can be linked again to the continent level and the
African Union’s own related frameworks. International
partners need to continue to work to ind the most
constructive mechanisms for supporting national and
regional actors in this domain, taking care to coordinate
among themselves.
II. Programming implications
The
Journey to Extremism
research has shown that
awareness of initiatives to prevent people from joining
violent extremist groups does act as a factor inluencing
decision-making. However, a number of issues hampering
the impact of some programmes can be observed and are
hinted at in the research. These include issues of scale and
resourcing, delivery modalities and the extent to which
these prioritize implementers that are trusted locally, as
well as responsiveness to actual incentives and drivers
as experienced by afected individuals. Further, PVE
programmes have tended to overlook gender dynamics
and diferences informing violent extremism at a number
of levels.
Key programming entry points suggested by the research
are as follows:
Coordinating national, regional and
global policy responses to violent extremism
Finally, it is necessary that policy responses be
coordinated more efectively across the expanding
plethora of actors engaged. This means appropriate roles
and responsibilities deined and distributed; common
understanding of drivers and entry points for prevention
and transformation debated and established; and a
shared commitment to mutual peer review and constant
improvement. At present, the PVE space is crowded with
players often working with contrasting understanding
of priorities.
The 2015 United Nations Plan of Action calls on each
member state to ‘consider developing a national plan of
action to prevent violent extremism which sets national
priorities for addressing the local drivers of violent
extremism and complements national counter-terrorism
strategies where they already exist’. Such national
planning processes should be inclusive, engaging a wide
range of stakeholders. National plans provide a platform
for convergence in understanding and prioritization,
and eicient distribution of resources and capabilities
across government agencies, international and civil
society partners. Increasingly, there are also eforts
to link national plans to the sub-regional level. This
Family circumstances, childhood happiness
and education
• Supporting community-led outreach on good
parenting, domestic violence and providing child-
welfare services;
• Ensuring provision of education for all in at-risk
areas (SDG 4), together with social protection
interventions to ensure children’s sustained
attendance at school;
• Upgrading school curricula and teaching quality,
enabling the development of critical thinking, social
cohesion, peace education and civic engagement
values from childhood;
• Reducing the acute impoverishment, often relative
in national terms, of areas such as those where
the majority of the respondents grew up, with
dedicated catch-up development programmes
and commitments, and through accelerated and
purposeful implementation of the Sustainable
Development Agenda 2030.
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Religious ideologies
• Supporting and amplifying the voices of traditional
religious leaders who challenge misinterpretations of
Islam and preach religious tolerance and inter-faith
cohesiveness;
• Providing opportunities for religious leaders to
network and develop national and regional PVE
strategies of their own;
• Investing in the development of community-led
governance systems providing transparent and
accountable leadership of religious afairs. Such
systems should include mosque management,
development and dissemination of curricula by
religious preachers and
madrassas,
and engagement
with parents on teaching content;
• Capitalizing on the important role that religious
teaching can play as a source of resilience and
supporting increased religious literacy among
at-risk groups.
State and citizenship
• Improving service delivery across the spectrum of
security and other basic services provided by the
state, integrating citizens’ oversight and engagement
as part of delivery;
• Amplifying the efectiveness of anti-corruption
campaigns with renewed emphasis on building
state-citizen conidence and accountability, ending
impunity for oicials;
• Deepening democratic institutions and processes,
and supporting related civic-education processes;
• Supporting initiatives to build national identities,
social cohesion and citizenship.
9
The ‘tipping point’
• Escalating the implementation of security-sector
reform processes tailored to the speciic challenges
of violent extremism. These should be grounded in
international humanitarian law, standards and rights-
based approaches, integrating civic oversight and
conidence-building mechanisms;
• Supporting community-led mentoring and trauma-
counselling services;
• Implementing counter-messaging programmes that
are highly contextualized in vernacular cultures,
emphasizing peer-group factors and inluences, and
delivered through DVDs, SMS, radio and community
centres, avoiding over-reliance on the Internet,
and drawing on trusted local organizations as
‘messengers’;
• Scaling-up amnesty and other exit opportunities for
disillusioned recruits, investing in comprehensive
rehabilitation and reintegration services;
• Leveraging the perspectives and voices of former
recruits as conduits for counter-messaging.
Economic factors
• Investing in the economic regeneration of
at-risk areas, upgrading infrastructure, access to
markets and inancial services, removing obstacles
to entrepreneurship, and prioritizing job-creation
opportunities;
• Providing immediate as well as long-term livelihood
programmes and entrepreneurship training and
schemes for at-risk youth, integrating citizenship
values, life skills and social cohesion curricula into
programme design;
• Working with demobilized former recruits to
develop and communicate narratives designed to
disincentivize at-risk groups regarding the economic
opportunities of recruitment;
• Developing strategies that learn from the
challenges of past disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration (DDR) processes and successfully
provide economic incentives and alternatives
for violent extremist recruits – engaging wider
communities so as to avoid being seen as ‘rewarding’
those recruited.
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10
BETWEEN 2011 AND
EARLY 2016, SOME 33,300
PEOPLE IN AFRICA LOST
THEIR LIVES TO VIOLENT
EXTREMISM
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11
Blow-Up Image / Gallery Stock
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12
INTRODUCTION
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The expanding reach and destructive consequences of violent extremism
are among the major challenges to peace faced in today’s world. Numbers
of fatalities resulting from terrorist attacks perpetrated by violent extremist
groups have risen steeply over the past two decades. A 10 percent reduction
in overall fatalities during 2015 signified a hiatus following the 80 percent
increase recorded in 2014. However, 2015 remained the second deadliest year
on record, according to the
Global Terrorism Index.
2
In addition to the human
suffering implied, it is estimated that the global economic costs of violent
extremism totalled approximately USD 89.6 billion in the same year.
3
13
In 2015, four groups – the Islamic State in Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL, also known as Daesh), Boko Haram, the
Taliban, and Al-Qaida – were responsible for 74 percent
of all deaths from terrorism, with numerous countries
across the world afected. As indicated in Figure 1 below,
Sub-Saharan Africa has become the region reporting the
second highest number of deaths after the Middle East
and North Africa (MENA) region.
FIGUre 1
NUMBER OF ATTACKS AND DEATHS FROM TERRORISM IN 2015
By reGIon
¢
attacKS
¢
deathS
14.000
12.000
10.000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
mena
South asia
Sub-Saharan
africa
asia-Paciic
europe
russia and
eurasia
South america north america
central
america and
the caribbean
SoUrce: IeP (2016:23)
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FIGUre 2
FATALITIES FROM TERRORIST ATTACKS IN AFRICA
2000-2016
14
number of fatilites/location of attacks resulting in fatalities
¢
•
attacKS carrIed oUt By GroUPS aSSocIated WIth relIGIoUS IdeoloGIeS
¢
•
attacKS carrIed oUt By other GroUPS
Size of bubbles correspond to the number of fatalities in a single attack,
with smaller sizes reflecting lower number of fatalities. the number of
fatalities during the time period range from 1 to 400. the single attack with
the highest number of fatalities took place in nigeria in January 2015.
20000
18500
17000
15500
14000
12500
11000
9500
8000
6500
5000
3500
2000
500
Kenya
egypt
mali
ethiopia
mozambique
car
dr congo
niger
chad
South Sudan
algeria
tunisia
Sudan
Uganda
cameroon
Somalia
nigeria
other
libya
attacKS
2000-2010
1,699
2011-2016** 5,745
KIlled
8,900
33,300
WoUnded*
6,605
10,790
*number wounded in 2015 and 2016 not included **Up to February 2016
Source: Global terrorism database (Gtd), University of maryland (2000 – 2014) and armed conflict location and event data Project (acled) (2015 and 2016). only conirmed cases of known perpetrators
were used, classifying either as ‘those associated with religious ideologies/fundamentalism’ or ‘other’. Bar graph only shows countries that experienced more than three fatalities over the time period.
Gtd dataset accessed in october 2015. acled database accessed in February 2016.
Figure 2 illustrates the growing number of countries
in Africa that have been afected by expanding waves
of destruction linked to violent extremism over the
past decade.
Attacks have reached unprecedented levels: from 2011
to 2016, 33,300 fatalities are estimated to have been
caused by extremism in Africa. Violence has also been
accompanied by widespread displacement, within and
across state borders, which has fed into pre-existing
conlicts and dynamics, and created situations of
pronounced and critical humanitarian need. Overall,
violent extremism in Africa is setting in motion a dramatic
reversal of gains and threatening to stunt development
prospects for decades to come.
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Tourism and foreign direct investment have been
impacted in afected countries such as Kenya and Nigeria.
Borders between countries such as Cameroon and Nigeria
have been intermittently closed in response to insecurity,
with further impacts on those whose livelihoods depend
on cross-border informal trade. Attacks have targeted
markets, transport hubs and places of worship, killing
innocent people and instilling a sense of fear and
insecurity, while also exacerbating inter-faith tensions.
There has been an immeasurable impact on the lives
and livelihoods of those who have lost family members,
friends and colleagues in the multiple tragedies. As a
result of increasing levels of violence and insecurity, many
children and students are no longer able to attend school
or university. The dramatic increase in security checks
and controls in public places has transformed day-to-day
life in many areas, with signiicant psychological impacts
on populations. Violent extremism can be expected
to increasingly act as a brake on Africa’s development
aspirations unless steps are taken now to address its
drivers and enablers.
UNDP Africa’s Preventing and Responding to
Violent Extremism in Africa: A Development
Approach, regional programme
In response to the growing threat of violent extremism in
Africa, and in recognition of the profound consequences
for development outcomes as well as the relevance of de-
velopment approaches in the search for solutions, UNDP
Africa has since 2015 been utilizing its long-established
networks and partnerships with national governments,
the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities
(RECs), civil society, faith-based groups and academia
to implement an innovative and wide-ranging regional
development programme. The goal of the Preventing
and Responding to Violent Extremism (PVE) in Africa:
A Development Approach programme is to contribute
to preventing and responding to the growth of violent
extremism across the continent.
The programme is anchored, through its irst pillar,
in country support, working with a range of partners
to assist 16 target countries to design and implement
comprehensive and inclusive development-based
responses to violent extremism, including enhancing
efective governance and developing comprehensive PVE
national action plans. The second pillar of the programme
is framed to respond to the regional dimensions of
violent extremism, which thrive on the porous nature
of state borders in Africa. At the regional level, the
initiative supports the AU and RECs in their work to
respond to violent extremism through targeted policy and
programming. Finally, the third pillar of the programme
focuses on generating improved research, evidence
and policy guidance in response to violent extremism,
recognizing the many evidence gaps and the urgency of
the search for more efective response strategies. The
Journey to Extremism in Africa
study represents a major
output from the research and policy pillar of the UNDP
programme, building on earlier research exploring
perceptions on radicalization, violence and insecurity
in the Sahel.
7
It has been designed as a foundational
contribution both to inform UNDP Africa’s own ongoing
response work in this area, and the activities of other
stakeholders and partners.
15
Violent extremism can be expected to
increasingly act as a brake on Africa’s
development aspirations unless steps
are taken now to address its drivers
and enablers
The terrain of violent extremist groups active in Africa
is constantly evolving. Key groups include: Al-Qaida in
the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM);
Jama’at Tawhid Wal Jihad
i Garbi Afriqqiya
(Movement for the Unity and Jihad in
West Africa, MUJAO);
Jama’atul Ahlus Sunnah Lidda’awati
wal Jihad
(Boko Haram) and
Ansaru
in Nigeria and
Cameroon;
Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen
(Al-Shabaab)
in East Africa; and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in
Central Africa.
4
Smaller pockets of violent extremist-
ailiated activity have emerged, with the activities
of many groups spreading across state borders into
neighbouring countries, spawning further groups and
individuals pledging allegiance either to primary groups or
related ideologies, for instance in Cameroon, Kenya, Mali
and Niger, among others.
5
A number of ‘foreign ighters’
are known to have travelled from Sudan to Libya, Syria
and Iraq, and, in a smaller number of cases, to Somalia
and Nigeria, in support of violent extremist activity.
Looking at the continent as a whole, security analysts
are concerned with the prospect of cross-fertilization
between Boko Haram, AQIM and other regional militant
organizations as one high-risk scenario.
6
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16
The quest for explanatory frameworks
The phenomenon of violent extremism in diferent
African states and its hybridized causality have been
explored through the vantage point of diferent academic
and policy-oriented disciplines.
8
Accounts invariably
highlight the overall context of underdevelopment and
marginalization experienced in areas where violent
extremism has become prominent. Diferences related
to speciic country contexts also shape the increasingly
complex genealogy of violent extremism in Africa. Violent
extremist groups’ presence and ‘success’ is characterized
by a fusion of such local-level drivers with increasingly
globalized and distorted militant narratives.
The importance of understanding and addressing the
range of causes and drivers at work is strongly emphasized
by the United Nations. The 2015 United Nations Plan
of Action on Preventing Violent Extremism urges the
global community of states to pay closer attention to root
causes and drivers after decades of overconcentration on
militarized approaches in tackling terrorism and violent
extremism:
Nothing can justify violent extremism, but we must
also acknowledge that it does not arise in a vacuum.
Narratives of grievance, actual or perceived injustice,
promised empowerment and sweeping change become
attractive where human rights are being violated,
good governance is being ignored, and aspirations
are being crushed.
9
The populations that experience such ‘root causes’ are
large – and yet, typically, only a very small fraction of
individuals will turn to violence. What then ‘tips’ this
minority of individuals? The importance of human agency
in creating opportunities to frame and channel grievances
in violent directions also requires examination. In
addition, individual experiences, whether of injustice or
other factors, may have a decisive impact.
10
Various frameworks categorizing and weighing diferent
types of factors and drivers have emerged as part of the
global response discourse. These help to distinguish
between ‘micro-’, ‘meso-’ and ‘macro-level’ factors;
11
and/or ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors.
12
Eforts to distinguish
and cluster the diferent factors that inluence and drive
violent extremism are extremely helpful. However,
policymakers, researchers and practitioners agree that
further granularity is needed if governments, as well as
non-state and international partners, are to achieve
efective responses to the complex and multifaceted threat.
The paucity of evidence both about what shapes violent
extremism and what works in responding to it is
frequently cited as an obstacle to more efective response
strategies globally: the largest share of available literature
is conceptual as opposed to empirical.
13
And, in Africa’s
case, despite its increasing prominence in the ranking
of afected regions, and the renewed policy and research
interest this has attracted, overall far less is known about
the causes, consequences and trajectories informing
violent extremism here, when compared to other regions.
14
As violent extremism continues to expand across the
African continent, national, regional and international
actors are increasingly aligning security and development
interventions around Counter-Terrorism and Countering
or Preventing Violent Extremism (CT and CVE/PVE)
objectives. Improved evidence on the spectrum of micro-,
meso- and macro-level factors driving violent extremism
in Africa and, crucially,
how
they inluence diferent
individuals is needed. The steadily growing sector of
response intervention can only hope to be efective when
grounded in such understanding.
Far less is known about the
causes, consequences and
trajectories informing violent
extremism in Africa, when
compared to other regions
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Approach and focus of the
Journey to Extremism in Africa
study
This study has been designed in response to these evidence gaps. Its purpose
is to expand what is known about the range of factors and inluences that lead
individuals to join violent extremist groups in Africa. The study set out to
empirically explore the biographic proiles and personal perspectives of Africans
who have been both radicalized and recruited by violent extremist groups in
order to shed further light on what shapes vulnerability to recruitment. In its
scale, it is the only study of its kind in terms of range of questioning, number
of respondents and, crucially, spread across multiple violent extremist groups
that together span the continent. While acknowledging that no models are
predictive and that there is ‘no way to determine whether an individual in
certain circumstances, with a certain disposition, with certain relationships,
and exposed to certain ideas will end up engaged in violence’,
15
the fundamental
premise of the
Journey to Extremism
research has been that much more can
be known than is known about the likelihood of this occurring. It is UNDP’s
intention that by generating better understanding of the factors that shape the
incentive structure of individuals drawn into violent extremism in Africa, it will
contribute to the emergence of a more efective set of interventions that better
respond to, and help to transform, the current vulnerability faced.
To facilitate understanding of the journey to extremism, the project was
approached from a political socialization perspective, which in turn has
grown from a combination of the disciplines of anthropology, sociology and
psychology.
16
It is deined as:
…the process by which children, born with an enormous potential for diferent
types of behaviour, come to adopt the speciic standards of their own society...
[Therefore] political socialization is the developmental process through which
the citizen matures politically. The citizen acquires a complex of beliefs,
feelings and information which help him comprehend, evaluate and relate
to the political world around him. His political views are a part of his more
general social views…related to his religious, economic and cultural views.
Political socialization [is therefore] the process, mediated through various
agencies of society, by which an individual learns political relevant
attitudinal dispositions and behaviour patterns. These agencies include
such environmental categories as the family, peer group, school, adult
organizations, and the mass media.
17
Political socialization at the individual level can be described as a lifelong
process through which a person develops a unique frame of reference or
worldview that guides choices, including his or her views on politics, religion
and ideology.
18
The approach of this project has thus been to draw on political
socialization theory to unpack the individual’s journey into violent extremist
movements within Africa, with the aim of creating a ‘journey map’ that
identiies key enabling factors and triggers that lead to recruitment. It is based
on a detailed structured questionnaire exploring the life histories and personal
perspectives on a range of personal, cultural, socio-economic and political
issues administered to a sample of 718 individuals. The largest part of the
questionnaire consisted of closed questions which served to guide
the conversations.
17
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18
Of the total sample, the primary group included 495
individuals who voluntarily joined violent extremist
groups and 78 individuals who were recruited by force;
a secondary reference group included 145 individuals
with no ailiation to violent extremist groups. Overall,
respondents were located at the time of interview in
Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan, with smaller numbers
in Cameroon and Niger.
19
The majority of interviews
conducted were with former members at diferent levels of
rank in two of the continent’s primary violent extremist
groups, namely Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab, as well as
African recruits to ISIL. Interviews with individuals who
joined other organizations, speciically Al-Mourabitoun,
MUJAO as well as Al-Qaida were also included.
Given the sensitivity of the proile of the primary
respondents, a non-random sampling method was
necessary. The sample thus included individuals who
were made accessible to the research team through
local networks and with the support of the respective
governments: most primary group interviews were
conducted in detention or rehabilitation centres. Based
on the demographics of the primary sample (including
age, gender, education level and geographic area), the
research teams then identiied further individuals who
were not associated with violent extremist groups but
who matched these demographics. The resulting reference
group served as a basis for comparison along the primary
sample’s journey to extremism, providing an opportunity
to identify possible hypotheses distinguishing the
perspectives and experiences of those who joined against
those who did not, despite prevailing similarities of life
circumstances.
Answers to the questionnaire were compiled into a
database, which was then subjected to descriptive
analysis across questions as well as econometric analysis.
The latter used ive logistic models exploring diferent
variables selected for their pertinence to the journey
to extremism narrative. Models 1.1 and 1.2 aimed to
understand systematic diferences between those in
the voluntary and reference groups; Models 2.1 and 2.2
explored the path of voluntary group members towards
extremism; and Model 3 studied the path towards
demobilization. Annex 1 provides further detail on the
overall econometric approach and indings.
This report on aggregate indings from the project draws
primarily on the descriptive analysis, supplemented by
reference to highlights from the econometric analysis. It is
also interspersed with quotes and photographic portraits
gathered during the research process. Given the sampling
method used, it must be noted at the outset that all results
are applicable only to the
Journey to Extremism
sample and
not to the larger population. However, indings have been
interpreted for their potential implications for policy and
programming throughout.
The research process was developed with the objective of
understanding the dynamics of the recruitment process,
from its initial conditions and factors through to the
‘tipping point’ that triggered particular individuals to take
the step of joining a violent extremist group, where others
did not. It thus sought to examine in closer detail why a
small number of individuals facing common challenges
with others in their communities chose to become violent
extremists. To this end, it focused on recruitment as
opposed to radicalization alone. Further, it explored
motivations for demobilizing, where this had occurred.
Structure of report
Following this Introduction, the report discusses key
characteristics of the demographic proile of respondents
in further detail as well as some of the constraints and
caveats that need to be taken into account concerning the
dataset and indings, including in its presentation as an
‘aggregate’ African story. It then proceeds to unpack and
explore a series of speciic themes that together converge
to characterize aspects and milestones of the journey to
extremism. These are as follows:
(i) Family circumstances, childhood and education;
(ii) Religious ideologies;
(iii) Economic factors;
(iv) State and citizenship;
(v) The ‘tipping point’ and recruitment process.
The inal section opens with a summary proile, in
infographic form, of the journey to extremism as
might be undertaken by an individual most at risk of
recruitment by a violent extremist group in Africa
based on the sample and key indings presented. It then
draws together implications of the
Journey to Extremism
dataset for national and international policy and
programming responses.
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Note on terminology
Violent Extremism:
Universally accepted deinitions of
violent extremism are elusive. The 2015 United Nations Plan
for of Action on Preventing Violent Extremism states:
The present Plan of Action
[...]
considers and addresses
violent extremism as, and when, conducive to terrorism.
Violent extremism is a diverse phenomenon, without clear
definition. It is neither new nor exclusive to any region,
nationality or system of belief. Nevertheless, in recent years,
terrorist groups such as ISIL, Al-Qaida and Boko Haram
have shaped our image of violent extremism and the debate
on how to address this threat. These groups’ message of
intolerance – religious, cultural, social – has had drastic
consequences for many regions of the world.
i
Radicalization:
The concept of radicalization is increasingly
recognized as unsatisfactory in its explanatory power
regarding violent extremism, given that a large number of
individuals may hold ‘radical’ views without moving from there
to perpetrate violent acts. This study focuses on recruitment
(deined in its broadest sense to include informal and even
self-initiated processes), rather than radicalization, noting that
while the latter is often a pre-condition for the former, this
may not always be the case.
Terrorism:
As with violent extremism, there is no universally
accepted deinition of terrorism. At the political level, this
relects the diiculty in agreeing on a basis for determining
when the use of violence (directed at whom, by whom and for
what ends) is legitimate. Further, acts of terrorism are often a
tactic committed as part of a larger agenda (military or geo-
political). The United Nations describes terrorism as: ‘Criminal
acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the
general public.’
ii
Counter-Terrorism (CT):
This is used to refer to military
operations as well as the adoption of legislative and policing
frameworks to control, repress and track terrorist activities;
training, equipping and reorganizing national security forces
and intelligence services; and enhancing border surveillance
and checkpoints.
iii
Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) and Preventing
Violent Extremism (PVE):
The CT agenda has evolved
over the past decade into a broader strategic approach that
incorporates non-military responses aimed at disrupting the
activities of violent extremist groups and preventing their
expansion, while also addressing the enabling environments
in which violent extremism lourishes. Some degree
of deinitional ambiguity is again commonly accepted.
Multilateral, regional and national CVE and PVE initiatives
have emerged, often including strategic communications,
media, education and community policing activities, but with
diferent approaches apparent across agencies.
iv
A distinction
can usefully be drawn between CVE, which is focused on
countering the activities of existing violent extremists, and
PVE, which is focused on preventing the further spread
of violent extremism. However, in practice, initiatives
will frequently work on both aspects, with a combined
approach. Given the overall priority of limiting the further
spread of violent extremism through prevention, UNDP
Africa’s organizational focus is on PVE, noting that CVE-type
objectives may be incorporated within overall prevention-
focused programming.
i
ii
19
iii
iv
UN (2015).
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 49/60 (1994),
‘Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism’.
Mahmoud (2016).
Fink and Bhulai (2016).
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20
NOTHING CAN JUSTIFY
VIOLENT EXTREMISM,
BUT WE MUST ALSO
ACKNOWLEDGE THAT
IT DOES NOT ARISE
IN A VACUUM
2015 United Nations Plan of Action on
Preventing Violent Extremism
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21
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22
DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
OF RESEARCH SAMPLE
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The UNDP
Journey to Extremism
dataset consists of responses to the
questionnaire provided through interviews with 718 people, 495 of whom were
individuals who used to be, or in a handful of cases still were at the time of the
interviews, members of extremist organizations, which they had voluntarily
joined.
20
These are referred to in the presentation of the data as ‘voluntary
group’. Seventy-eight individuals reported being forced to join one of the
organizations and are referred to as ‘forced group’. Finally, 145 were individuals
who are not, and never have been, members of similar organizations – they are
referred to as ‘reference group’. The interviews were unevenly spread across
Cameroon, Kenya, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan, with a significantly larger
share of interviews taking place in Somalia. Figures 3 and 4 show the percentages
of all interviews per country as well as the categorization of respondents.
21
23
FIGUre 3
DISTRIBUTION OF INTERVIEWS
By coUntry
1%
20%
1%
24%
41%
14%
�½�½�½
�½
�½
�½�½�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
cameroon
Kenya
nIGer
nIGerIa
SomalIa
SUdan
numbers may not add up to 100 due to rounding off
.
FIGURE 4
DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS
BY CATEGORY AND COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
20%
11%
�½
�½
CAMEROON
KENYA
NIGER
69%
NIGERIA
SOMALIA
SUDAN
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100 %
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24
Biases based on the uneven spread of interviews per
country, as well as the diferent operating practices of
groups, are highly evident in the data. Figures 5, 6 and
7 provide a breakdown of the voluntary and forced
groups by organization; status at time of the interviews;
and gender. As shown in Figure 5, individuals associated
with Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram make up the majority
of the sample, at 52 percent and 27 percent, respectively.
The majority of interviews took place in prisons and other
state detention facilities. Figure 6 shows that a total of
55 percent of the voluntary group respondents were
actively involved in a formal reintegration process
at the time of interview, referred to in their answers
to the questionnaire as either ‘amnesty programme’;
‘rehabilitation programme’; ‘surrendered’; or ‘other’.
Forty-one percent were not part of/awaiting formal
process and described their status as ‘arrested’ or ‘in
detention’. The remaining 4 percent were ‘current
members’ of violent extremist groups, introduced to
the research team as the research process unfolded, and
interviewed outside of state detention facilities.
FIGURE 5
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
BY ORGANIzATION AND COUNTRY
¢
AL-ShABAAB
¢
BOKO hARAM
¢
ISIL
¢
OThER
7%
15%
27%
Numbers may not add up to 100 due to rounding of.
�½�½
18% Arrested
23% In detention
CAMEROON
KENYA
52%
NIGER
NIGERIA
SOMALIA
SUDAN
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100 %
FIGURE 6
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
BY CURRENT STATUS IN ORGANIzATION
¢
UNDER FORMAL PROCESS
¢
NOT PART OF/AWAITING FORMAL PROCESS
¢
CURRENT MEMBER
�½�½
4%
41%
55%
INDIVIDUALS ASSOCIATED WITH
AL-SHABAAB AND BOKO HARAM
MAKE UP THE MAJORITY OF THE
SAMPLE, AT 52 PERCENT AND
27 PERCENT, RESPECTIVELY
7% Amnesty
28% Rehabilitation programme
5% Surrendered
15% Other
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As indicated in Figure 7, 27 percent of the primary
respondents were associated with Boko Haram and
comprised 15 percent and 12 percent of the total male and
female respondents in the primary sample, respectively.
The Boko Haram sample is relatively balanced between
male and female respondents, and it represents the
majority of the female respondents overall within the
sample, which can be inferred from Figure 7 to be 70
percent. The igure also shows that all respondents who
deined themselves as forced to join the violent extremist
group, which made up 14 percent of the total primary
sample, were members of Boko Haram.
22
Figure 7 further
shows that all ISIL and Al-Shabaab respondents are in
the voluntary group. Sixteen percent of female
respondents were associated with ISIL (mainly from
Sudan), with the remaining small percentages scattered
across other groups.
Figure 8 shows a breakdown of individuals in each of the
voluntary and forced groups by the position they described
themselves to hold in the violent extremist group. It shows
that the largest share of respondents identiied themselves
as ighters, followed by a spectrum of other functions.
Only 4 percent identiied themselves as commanders.
25
FIGURE 7
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
BY ORGANIzATION, CATEGORY AND GENDER
CATEGORY
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
GENDER
¢
MALE
¢
FEMALE
¢
AL-ShABAAB
¢
BOKO hARAM
¢
ISIL
¢
OThER
ORGANIzATION
CATEGORY
GENDER
Shown as a percent of total primary respondents.
Numbers may not add up to 100 due to rounding of.
52%
52%
50%
13%
15%
27%
14%
12%
15%
15%
12%
3%
7%
7%
6%
FIGURE 8
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY RESPONDENTS
BY POSITION IN ORGANIzATION
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½
�½�½�½
�½�½�½ �½�½�½ �½�½�½ �½�½�½
Multiple-answer question. Shows percent of individuals who selected position.
49%
14%
12%
11%
5%
Fighter
Recruitment /training
Intelligence
Providing domestic services
Wife to
a ighter
4%
4%
3%
3%
Policing the community
Commander
Collect taxes
Other
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26
Figure 9 illustrates the distribution of respondents and
category of respondents by gender. The total sample
is made up of 81 percent male and 19 percent female.
This gender imbalance relects the reality that there
are signiicantly more male than female members of
violent extremist groups – a fact that was compounded
by access issues encountered by the research team in
some instances. The forced group consisted of 53 percent
women and girls, while in the reference and voluntary
groups females made up 25 percent and 12 percent
of their respective categories.
Figure 10 illustrates the distribution of age group at the
time of the research by category and by gender. Almost
68 percent of the reference group were 15 to 25 years old,
compared to 44 percent in both voluntary and forced
groups. A signiicant majority (at least 73 percent) in all
groups were less than or equal to 30 years old. Around 39
percent of the female population were less than 20 years
old, compared to 32 percent in the male population, likely
relecting the peculiarity of the dataset where the majority
of females were Boko Haram abductees. In terms of age
when recruited, 53 percent were between 17 and 26 years
old (Figure 11). Seventy percent of respondents stayed
with the group in question for between six months and
four years (not shown).
Figure 12 shows the marital status and number of children
at the time of joining the organization (or answering the
questionnaire) by category of respondent. A large share
of respondents in each category were single: 68 percent,
64 percent and 44 percent in the reference, voluntary and
forced groups, respectively. Voluntary group respondents
had only two children on average when they joined, as
opposed to four on average within the reference group at
time of interview.
Regarding religious ailiation, most of the countries
under review have signiicant, and in the case of Somalia,
majority Muslim populations. Kenya and Nigeria also
have signiicant Christian populations. Figure 13 shows
how the individuals in the dataset are divided along faith
lines. Overall, 92 percent of respondents to the
Journey to
Extremism
questionnaire grew up in a Muslim household
and only 8 percent in a Christian household.
FIGURE 9
CATEGORY OF RESPONDENTS
BY GENDER
¢
MALE
¢
FEMALE
FIGURE 10
DISTRIBUTION OF AGE GROUP AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
BY GENDER AND CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
MALE
¢
FEMALE
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
0
0
50%
81%
19%
50%
41 <
36-40
VOLUNTARY
31-35
26-30
FORCED
21-25
15-20
REFERENCE
11-14
As a percent of each grouping.
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FIGURE 11
DISTRIBUTION OF AGE WHEN RECRUITED
VOLUNTARY GROUP
27
%
15
12
9
6
3
0
11 to 12
13 to 14
15 to 16
17 to 18
19 to 20
21 to 22
23 to 24
25 to 26
27 to 28
29 to 30
31 to 32
33 to 34
35 to 36
over 36
IN TERMS OF AGE WHEN
RECRUITED, 53 PERCENT
WERE BETWEEN 17 AND
26 YEARS OLD
FIGURE 12
MARITAL STATUS AND NUMBER OF CHILDREN
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
SINGLE
MARRIED
DIVORCED
FIGURE 13
DISTRIBUTION OF RELIGION WHILE GROWING UP
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
43%
21%
15%
64%
AVERAGE NUMBER OF ChILDREN
5
4
3
2
1
0
57%
2.4
3.4
4.1
Christian
8%
�½�½�½
Muslim
92%
Indicates Sudan missing. Symbol used throughout report to indicate
Sudan excluded from
indings due to no data.
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28
Building an aggregate story
from the dataset
The efort to build an aggregate African story may face
inevitable limitations given that the trajectories of
violent extremism are innately localized. Indeed, a major
impetus behind this research has been to advance greater
understanding of the speciicities of violent extremism
in diferent locations. In addition to this aggregate
report, the UNDP
Journey to Extremism in Africa
project
as a whole will generate a series of country-speciic
analyses that delve further into the country-speciic
indings generated, providing deeper contextualization
and relection on implications than is included in this
aggregate summary of indings. Still, UNDP Africa
believes that the value in teasing out evidence from the
multi-country sample, despite its imperfections, remains
strong in the context of a dearth of empirical data on
violent extremism in Africa as a region.
The country and group-speciic variations highlighted
above are relective of the uneven access across
diferent African countries under review, of the diferent
characteristics of those countries and of the phenomenon
of violent extremism therein. In some cases, ‘batches’
of questionnaires were incomplete in relation to some
areas of questioning. These imbalances naturally pose
challenges to the development of an aggregate perspective.
As far as possible, caution has been exercised in drawing
overly generalized conclusions, and country variations
highlighted. In addition, the data analysis process
deliberately and methodically introduced balancing to the
econometric analysis in order to allow for the disparities
in testing key variables, and to facilitate identiication
of general patterns. Coarsened exact matching was irst
conducted on the sample to improve the balance on the
distribution of variables, hence the various iterations of
each model described in the Introduction. Fixed efects
were also used in the econometric analysis to control for
country and organization-speciic characteristics that
might afect the dependent variable. Due to non-responses
to a large number of questions from the Sudan sample,
these were dropped from the econometric analysis as well
as in several sections of the descriptive statistics. The
approach is explained in detail in Annex 1.
Answers in some areas of the questionnaire may have
been inluenced by the fact that most of the interviews
took place in prisons and detention centres, with many
individuals awaiting formal disengagement processes.
Other issues of sensitivity and unfamiliarity in areas
of questioning will have inluenced responses to the
interviews. Such ‘laws’ are an inevitable aspect of primary
research of this nature and were both mitigated against
during interviews and taken into account through the
analysis process to the greatest extent possible.
Features of the journey to extremism described in the
interviews with the 495 individuals who had undertaken
it (and who make up the voluntary group of respondents)
are contrasted with the experience of reference and
forced group members where these seem to yield insights.
Without overstating the representativeness of the sample
overall, and taking into account the issues highlighted
above, UNDP Africa nonetheless believes this research
points to important implications for CT and PVE
interventions in Africa going forward, which are drawn
out in the concluding section of this report.
The fact that fewer females than males were accessed
during the research, and that the majority of females
represented were associated with particular violent
extremist groups and forms of recruitment (whether
forced to join Boko Haram in Nigeria or, in a smaller
number of cases, voluntary recruits to ISIL from Sudan),
poses further challenges. These features of the female
sample were compounded by a high degree of non-
response rates to several of the questions. The spectrum
of issues related to the diferent roles that women and girls
can play in relation to violent extremism; the gendered
impact of CT and PVE strategies; as well as the wider
function of gendered ideologies that inluence violent
extremism are among some of the cogent and widening
areas of interest in this ield.
23
The policy community
concerned with combatting violent extremism in today’s
world is increasingly attentive to these issues, as signalled
by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2242
(2015), among others.
24
Continuation of the UNDP
Journey
to Extremism in Africa
project will further explore gender
dynamics in relation to violent extremism in Africa
going forward, including as part of the country-speciic
analyses and with a dedicated thematic study. For the
present report, the impact of gender is not studied in the
econometric analysis, but the discussion has sought to
draw out gender diferences and issues using descriptive
statistics across key response areas wherever possible.
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29
Features of the journey
to extremism described in
the interviews with the 495
individuals who have undertaken
it are contrasted with the
experience of reference and
forced group members where
these seem to yield insights
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30
‘My parents and siblings
had no idea that I joined.
When you’re caught up
inside the movement, it’s
hard to listen to other
opinions. It is even harder
to accept that what
we were doing might
actually be wrong.’
Diriye, 37
years
old
Commander
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31
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32
CHAPTER 1:
FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES,
CHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION
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A number of different aspects of family circumstances and childhood
experience were investigated through the UNDP Africa
Journey to
Extremism
questionnaire and subsequent data analysis in order to
explore potential intersections between a person’s early childhood
development, when identity and perception formation occur, and
a later susceptibility to recruitment. Findings from this area of
questioning are included below under the headings:
Peripheries
and exposure to others; Family structure and childhood happiness;
and
Level of education and civic engagement.
The specific aspect of
religious education is covered further below, in Chapter 2.
33
1.1 Peripheries and exposure to others
While it is attacks on cities that make headlines, the areas
where violent extremism have taken root are typically
remote areas, peripheral in development terms, often
‘borderlands’ connecting two or more states, that have
experienced generations of neglect and marginalization
across political, social and economic spheres. This is
conirmed in the UNDP map of Africa indicating violent
extremism ‘hotspots’ (Figure 2, above). Examples include
northern Mali, north-eastern Nigeria and the Kenyan
coastal region. Many of the factors related to insecurity
and underdevelopment that have been established as
conducive to violent extremism are most pronounced at
the geographic fringes of these countries. While violent
extremist groups may logistically exploit relatively
‘ungoverned’ terrain, they have also developed compelling
narratives that speak to the grievances of communities
living in neglected circumstances.
The
Journey to Extremism
dataset unequivocally conirms
the acute vulnerability of such periphery regions. A
majority of respondents in the voluntary group stated
their place of childhood as one or other of the most remote
areas of these regions, as shown in Figure 14.
25
This asserts
the direct relevance in general terms of underdevelopment
in such regions to the spread of violent extremism.
Speciic aspects of the underdevelopment found in such
regions and its impact on people’s lives and potential
future journey to extremism (level of education, access
to services and livelihood opportunities, personal safety
and security, trust in authorities, and so on) are explored
separately later in this report. It is well-recognized in
development terms that place of birth signiicantly
inluences individual life prospects, with a child’s access to
critical basic services and opportunities acutely impacted
by ‘accident of geography’.
26
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34
FIGURE 14
WHERE RESPONDENT SPENT HIS/HER CHILDHOOD (UNTIL 15TH BIRTHDAY)
RESPONDENTS FROM KENYA, NIGERIA AND SOMALIA
¡
CAPITAL
˜
NUMBER INTERVIEWED
1
FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES, ChILDhOOD AND EDUCATION
3
1
1
3
2
1
2
35
4
10
7
1
NIGERIA
¡
1
15
1
1
7
SOMALIA
1
1
1
13
1
2
1
4
6
1
8
21
17
5
31
20
8
¡
KENYA
5
8
1
26
12
3
3
¡
1
28
22
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The dataset suggests that further aspects of geography
are also relevant. In particular, the degree of mobility and
exposure to other ethnicities and religions when growing
up are variables that may inluence future readiness to
join violent extremist groups. A signiicant percentage of
all groups had never been outside their country, although
there was some increased exposure for those in the
reference group. As shown in Figure 15, 33 percent of the
voluntary group reported having never visited cities as
a child, compared to 21 percent of the reference group
(and 71 percent of the forced group, likely relecting the
particular status of many of the forced group within the
sample as young girls from north-eastern Nigeria).
Despite country variations in terms of overall exposure
to others, observable diferences between groups of
respondents were recorded in answer to the question,
‘Growing up, did you attend school with children belonging
to other ethnic groups?’
with individuals in the forced and
voluntary groups reporting less mixing at school than
their reference group counterparts, as illustrated in
Figure 16. A further inding from the dataset is that those
in the voluntary group were more likely to feel that their
ethnic group was under threat, compared to reference
group counterparts, by about 15 percent (Figure 17).
This suggests the possibility of a mindset of heightened
threat perception forming in childhood among those who
eventually joined violent extremist groups. It also implies
that, in some instances, a higher level of mobility and
exposure to others may generate a greater conidence in
others, and resilience to future radicalization.
35
FIGURE 15
MOVEMENT DURING CHILDHOOD (UNTIL 15TH BIRTHDAY)
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Never visited
FIGURE 16
‘GROWING UP, DID YOU ATTEND SCHOOL WITH
CHILDREN BELONGING TO OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Percent of respondents who responded ‘yes’.
67%
83%
43%
VILLAGES
CITIES
33%
71%
21%
86%
FIGURE 17
‘DID YOU CONSIDER YOUR
ETHNIC GROUP TO BE UNDER THREAT?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Percent of respondents who responded ‘yes’.
48%
33%
OThER REGIONS
81%
36%
OUTSIDE COUNTRY
87%
73%
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1815539_0048.png
36
1.2 Family structure and
childhood happiness
There is a decades-old interest in the psychology of
individuals who perpetrate terrorist acts, focused on the
identiication of internal vulnerabilities, emphasizing
how atypical such behaviour is in human society, and
exploring the ‘roots of the terrorist mindset’, or which
personalities may be more susceptible.
27
Psychological
research emphasizes how identity formation and the
search for identity can become ‘maladaptive’, and whether
certain cognitive ‘propensities’ can combine to create
such at-risk mindsets.
28
At the same time, the vastly
diferent types of relevant socio-cultural settings, violent
extremist group ideologies, behaviours, structures,
and ranking and roles of individuals within particular
groups suggest the need for such analyses to avoid overly
simplifying such processes, anticipating that ‘any efort
to uncover the “terrorist mind” will more likely result in
uncovering a spectrum of terrorist minds’.
29
While this
avenue of exploration is growing, drawing on and testing
diferent psychoanalytic and non-psychoanalytic theories
and approaches, it remains underpopulated in terms of
concrete indings.
Moreover, the more accessible details of family life and
early experiences such as may contribute to such ‘mind-
sets’, of diferent individual violent extremists in diferent
armed group and country settings, have been largely
unexplored. From a research perspective working with
FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES, ChILDhOOD AND EDUCATION
individuals’ memories of childhood is notoriously complex
in terms of its empirical value. Nonetheless: ‘family is a
crucial part of a person’s socialization process. A person’s
relationship with his or her family can be the catalyst for a
search for identity and belonging beyond the family, such
as a larger, collective identity, and this search could result
in that person’s radicalization’. 
30
The
Journey to Extremism
dataset suggests that childhood
unhappiness may be a critical element of the foundational
steps towards a journey to extremism. Childhood
happiness levels were found to vary across groups and
nationalities. When categorized by type of respondent
(Figure 18), it emerges that forced members reported the
highest levels of happiness as a child. This may relate to
the imbalance in the sample whereby the majority of those
in the forced category were geographically concentrated in
Nigeria, which was the country reporting the highest level
of childhood happiness overall. Signiicantly, however,
those in the voluntary group reported a lesser sense of
happiness in childhood among groups. Figure 18 shows
that for both forced and reference groups, the density of
happiness ratings is concentrated at the higher ends of
the scale. Model 1.1 conirms childhood happiness to be
a robust and signiicant predictor, including when used
as a treatment, of the likelihood of joining an extremist
organization. Individuals rating 7 or higher in childhood
happiness were between 9 and 28 percent less likely be
found in the voluntary group.
31
FIGURE 18
RATING OF CHILDHOOD HAPPINESS
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Rating on a scale of 1 (Not happy) to 10 (Very happy)
10
9
8
7.9
5.9
6.7
PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT IN
A CHILD'S LIFE EMERGES AS
A FUNDAMENTAL FACTOR IN
DETERMINING HOW HAPPY
RESPONDENTS REPORT THEIR
CHILDHOOD TO HAVE BEEN
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
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Further, parental involvement in a child’s life emerged as a
fundamental factor in determining how happy respond-
ents reported their childhood to have been. Figure 19
shows a strong positive correlation between rating of
happiness as a child and parent’s interest in their lives,
while the following Figure 20 indicates that those in the
voluntary group reported the lowest rating of parent
involvement/interest in their lives.
Questions on whether the respondent’s father had more
than one wife, whether he was present or absent, whether
or not the respondent was the irstborn, and how many
siblings were present overall while growing up did not
point conclusively to any variations between the groups.
Most respondents’ mothers were present when growing
up, including in polygamous settings, although only by a
small margin. Nonetheless, individuals in the voluntary
group reported a slightly increased experience of mothers
being absent (Figure 21).
However, a majority in each group had both parents
present. Yet, in the voluntary group, just 34 percent of
respondents who had both parents present while growing
up rated parent involvement/interest in their lives as high,
compared to 48 percent and 61 percent in the reference
and forced groups, respectively. Thus, the majority of
the voluntary group reported a sense of reduced parental
involvement in their lives despite parent presence
(Figure 22).
The questionnaire also included a number of questions
exploring the use of punishment in the home, in order
to establish how far this may correlate to the overall
childhood experience and later susceptibility to
recruitment. Just as the voluntary group respondents
reported the least happy childhoods overall, so they also
recorded the highest experience of both physical and
emotional punishment as a child (Figure 23) – although
only by a small margin.
37
FIGURE 19
RATING OF CHILDHOOD HAPPINESS AGAINST PARENT
INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST WHILE GROWING UP
�½
�½
Rating on a scale of 1 (Not happy/Not involved) to 10 (Very happy/Very involved)
10
7
0
0
0
2
0
1
0
4
12
1
3
1
0
2
3
5
4
7
11
2
2
2
0
2
6
3
3
11
11
6
2
3
3
3
1
7
5
7
14
16
3
1
4
6
2
8
9
8
14
10
1
2
0
5
5
10
4
12
17
8
5
4
0
0
6
5
8
11
22
10
7
2
4
0
1
7
3
7
26
14
3
6
3
3
0
0
8
7
20
5
4
4
3
2
2
1
1
9
71
10
5
5
6
4
3
2
3
4
10
FIGURE 20
RATING OF PARENT INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST IN
RESPONDENT’S LIFE
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Rating on a scale of 1 (Not interested) to 10 (Very interested)
10
9
8
7
Rating ofparent involvement/interest while growing up
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
7.6
6.2
7.0
6
5
4
3
2
1
FIGURE 21
‘WAS YOUR MOTHER PRESENT GROWING UP?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
YES
83%
87%
NO
Rating of childhood happiness
90%
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38
FIGURE 22
PARENT PRESENCE AND RATING OF PARENT INVOLVEMENT/INTEREST
IN RESPONDENT’S LIFE WHILE GROWING UP
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES, ChILDhOOD AND EDUCATION
Parent involvement/interest rating on a scale of 1 (Not involved) to 10 (Very involved)
>6
5-6
<6
>6
5-6
<6
>6
5-6
<6
VOLUNTARY
34%
61%
48%
FORCED
14%
REFERENCE
17%
10%
6%
10%
9%
2%
1%
5%
11%
3%
7%
4%
3%
1%
13%
10%
11%
3%
9%
2%
4%
Both present | One missing | Both missing
Both present | One missing | Both missing
Both present | One missing | Both missing
FIGURE 23
IF PUNISHED AS A CHILD, TYPE OF PUNISHMENT RECEIVED
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Physical
Emotional
Both
0
25
50
75%
As a percent of respective category of respondent.
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1.3 Level of education and civic engagement
There is growing interest in the ambivalent relationship
between education and violent extremism, whereby it can
be used both to radicalize and to counter violent extremist
narratives. The interest of PVE practitioners in education
has been further inspired by the frequency of symbolic
– and highly destructive – violent extremist attacks on
educational facilities. Between 2008 and 2013, there were
92 terrorist attacks on educational institutions in Nigeria
alone, perpetrated by Boko Haram (or ailiated groups).
32
Despite country variations regarding years of secular
education among the respondents, the research inds that
a signiicantly larger percentage of those in the voluntary
group reported the lowest levels of secular schooling,
when compared to the reference group. Sixteen percent
reported less than or equal to 2 years of education,
compared to 7 percent of the reference group; 39 percent
reported 5 to 10 years of education, as compared to 56
percent of the reference group (Figure 24).
There is a great deal more research on the relationship
between education and violent extremism than on the
overall happiness and stability of childhood.
33
Such wider
evidence is seen to point to mixed conclusions. Numerous
studies highlight that violent extremist attacks have
often been perpetrated by individuals from ‘middle-
class’, relatively aluent and educated backgrounds,
which distorts a more generalized perspective that lack
of education may be a factor increasing vulnerability to
recruitment. However, relecting the wider geographic
imbalances in the literature noted above, it is notable that
very few of these studies focus on Africa, where access to
tertiary education is lower than in Europe. The
Journey
to Extremism
data instead suggests that susceptibility to
future recruitment may be signiicantly inluenced by lack
of even basic education.
34
Interestingly, Figure 40 included
in Chapter 3 on respondents’ ‘most immediate need’ at
the time of recruitment suggests a high level of aspiration
and perceived want in regard to education against other
factors.
PVE practitioners and researchers stress that a good
education is in and of itself not suicient to prevent
violent extremist recruitment, and that education-sector
interventions are thus not to be conlated with PVE.
Nonetheless, it is recognized that quality education can
help build individuals’ resilience to recruitment through
provision of life alternatives.
35
The value of education as a
source of resilience extends further to include the aspect
of socialization that is provided through schooling. It is
also informed by the quality of curricula and teaching
methods. To successfully prevent violent extremism, it
must as far as possible instil critical thinking, respect for
diversity and citizenship values.
39
FUTURE RECRUITMENT MAY BE
SIGNIFICANTLY INFLUENCED BY
LACK OF EVEN BASIC EDUCATION
FIGURE 24
NUMBER OF YEARS OF SECULAR EDUCATION
VOLUNTARY AND REFERENCE GROUPS
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
REFERENCE
40
30
20
10
0
Less than a year
1 to 2
3 to 4
5 to 6
7 to 8
9 to 10
11 to 12
13 to 14
15 to 16
More than 15
Shown as percent of individual category. Forced group not shown due to high rate of missing data.
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40
FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES, ChILDhOOD AND EDUCATION
Indeed, the notion of civic engagement and participation
emerges as a inal aspect of childhood whereby a corre-
lation between early experience and later recruitment is
suggested through the
Journey to Extremism
indings.
A contrast between the voluntary and reference group
respondents is apparent in answers given to the question
as to whether they sang the national anthem as a child,
with a diference of about 14 percent, as shown in
Figure 25. Models 1.1 and 1.2 ind the national anthem
variable to be statistically signiicant at the 95 percent
signiicance level or higher, even when used as treatment.
Accordingly, all else constant, someone who sang the
national anthem as a child is between 4 percent and 36
percent less likely to be found in the voluntary group.
While this area of questioning may seem tangential or
improbable, eforts to interpret it suggest that perhaps
a greater experience of civic participation in the types
of events and settings where national anthems are sung
can contribute to resilience to extremism. This may be a
further correlation with level of education (noting that the
national anthem is often sung, if at all, in school). It hints
at a higher personal investment in the cultural meaning
signiied by singing the national anthem, including self-
identiication with the nation-state, among those who
were not recruited.
FIGURE 25
‘DID YOU SING THE NATIONAL ANTHEM AS A CHILD?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
�½
�½
YES
60%
NO
40%
26%
74%
74%
26%
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Key findings
Chapter 1 has shown that childhood experiences
signiicantly correlate with future susceptibility to violent
extremist recruitment. Starting with the ‘accident of
geography’, i.e. place of childhood, experiences related to
living in highly peripheral regions of Africa begin to shape
individuals’ worldview and vulnerability. This should by
no means be interpreted to stigmatize communities from
these regions – the overwhelming majority of individuals
manifestly do not join violent extremist groups. There
are many areas that fall into the ‘peripheral’ category
where there is no violent extremism. And clearly, there
are other violent extremists at large in Africa, including
within the sample, who may have started life in a big
and metropolitan city. Still, the indings suggest that
successful CT and PVE must start with meaningful eforts
to generate peace and development in borderlands and
traditionally marginalized regions. These eforts should
include the accelerated and purposeful implementation of
the Transforming Our World: Sustainable Development
Agenda 2030, which speaks directly to the sources
of grievance highlighted in the
Journey to Extremism
research.
The overall experience of communities living in such areas
(macro- and meso-level factors) were, in the journeys of
the individuals interviewed, refracted through particular
micro-level aspects of early childhood. These include a
relative lack of exposure to people of other ethnicities,
when comparing voluntary and reference groups, and
what may be an emerging outlook of threat perception
concerning one’s own identity. Further, the research
highlights that perception of childhood happiness was
lower among those who went on to join violent extremist
groups. A small fraction more of those in the voluntary
group reported an absent mother, as well as increased
physical and emotional punishment. However, the
strongest inding from the data is that, among the
sample, a perceived low level of parental involvement
in the child’s life plays a critical role in shaping future
susceptibility to recruitment.
This has important implications for PVE programming.
Overall, these ‘micro’ experiences in the home may
combine with the socio-political and economic
marginalization experienced by the wider community
to lay the foundations of future risk.
36
The research also asserts the pertinence of ‘number
of years of education’ to building resilience to future
recruitment. In environments where overall levels
of literacy and education are low, those voluntarily
recruited are particularly deprived in educational
terms. In addition, the indings appear to conirm
emerging hypotheses concerning the quality of
education required to build resilience, which emphasize
citizenship values as key. More of those who were
relatively inactive in terms of civic engagement in
childhood were found in the voluntary group when
compared to the reference group, using singing
national anthem during childhood as an indicator.
The path that is more common for those who went
on to voluntarily join violent extremist groups in the
sample is that of a child neglected both by the state
and its educational facilities, and overlooked (at least)
at home. Such a child may emerge from childhood
without a sense of direction or future opportunity, and
may have a mindset of heightened threat perception
already formed.
41
EXPERIENCES RELATED TO LIVING
IN HIGHLY PERIPHERAL REGIONS OF
AFRICA BEGIN TO SHAPE INDIVIDUALS’
WORLDVIEW AND VULNERABILITY. THIS
SHOULD BY NO MEANS BE INTERPRETED
TO STIGMATIZE COMMUNITIES FROM
THESE REGIONS
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42
‘When I became an
adult, I married one of
the
mujahidin
men, and
I used to help them.
Some of my tasks were
to keep weapons safe
after ighting.’
Maymuun, 30
years old
Weapons and people-traicker/marriage-broker
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43
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44
CHAPTER 2:
RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGIES
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Violent extremist groups currently active in Africa largely define themselves
in religious terms, invoking distorted interpretations of Islam, much as
their roots and the drivers that facilitate their expansion can be traced to a
cluster of other factors. Despite similarities based on affinity with globalized
discourse, such religious ideologies remain varied. This compounds the
heterogeneity that is derived from the different country contexts where they
operate. Seeking to understand in more detail how religious ideologies may
have influenced the susceptibility of those interviewed through this research
to join violent extremist groups, the
Journey to Extremism
questionnaire
included a number of questions about respondents’ religious experiences
and perspectives. Findings are clustered in the following discussion under the
headings:
Perspectives on own and other religions
and
Religious education.
45
The relationship between religion and radicalization is
largely established as deriving from the fact that religion
can serve as a powerful expression of individual and
group identity, particularly in contexts where religious
identities compete with loyalty to the state; and/ or
where charismatic leaders and individuals are present
and able to exploit these dynamics.
37
With regard to
recruitment, there is consensus in much of the analysis
of violent extremism that religion serves as a catalyst,
often exploited by militant groups to legitimize the use
of violence as a response to a wide array of grievances.
While only a small fraction of individuals within pre-
dominantly Muslim societies are mobilized by such
narratives, ideological appeal is nonetheless compelling
to those susceptible.
38
2.1 Perspectives on own and other religions
The power of religious ideas as a irst response in
explaining recruitment emerged strongly in the
Journey to
Extremism
study. Provided with a multiple-answer format
question about their reasons for joining extremist groups,
‘religious ideas’ was the answer that attracted the largest
number of voluntary respondents at 40 percent; ‘believed
in a religious leader’ attracted 13 percent. Overall, 51
percent of those in the voluntary group chose either one
or both of the two mentioned reasons, indicating the
signiicance of religious ideology in one way or another
as a determining factor informing decision to join. The
range of answers given to this critical question is shown
in Figure 26.
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46
FIGURE 26
REASONS FOR JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
VOLUNTARY GROUP
RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGIES
Multiple-answer question. Shows percent of individuals who selected reason.
EMPLOYMENT
OPPORTUNITIES 13%
RELIGIOUS IDEAS
OF THE GROUP 40%
JOINING
WITH
FRIENDS/FAMILY 10%
ETHNIC
PRINCIPLES
OF THE
GROUP 5%
OTHER
3%
BELIEVED
MY
TEACHER
SOMETHING BIGGER
THAN MYSELF 16%
BEING PART OF
BELIEVED MY
RELIGIOUS
LEADER
13%
POLITICAL
IDEAS
OF
THE GROUP
4%
SERVICE
PROVISION
BY ORGA-
NIZATION
3%
ADVENTURE
3%
POLITICAL
MARGINALIZA-
TION 1%
2%
SOCIAL
ISOLATION
1%
THE POWER OF RELIGIOUS IDEAS AS A FIRST
RESPONSE IN EXPLAINING RECRUITMENT EMERGED
STRONGLY IN THE
JOURNEY TO EXTREMISM
STUDY
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Viewed from a diferent perspective, it is also notable that
the remaining 49 percent of respondents in the voluntary
group
did not
state religious ideas or the inluence of a
religious leader as being the major factor informing the
decision to join – itself striking given the ideological
emphasis on religious-based agendas of each of the groups
under review. This inding supports the conclusions drawn
elsewhere, which assert that individuals who join violent
extremist groups have a range of priorities, perspectives
and needs that motivate them, in which religion may
or may not play a considerable part, yet possibly even
becoming a focal point or vehicle for expression for a
number of other issues.
Unpacking religious ideologies further, and notwith-
standing country variations, the journey to extremism
undertaken by those interviewed involved a hardening
of attitudes towards others, which was irst noted in
responses on childhood discussed above in Chapter
1. By adulthood, in many cases this appears to have
expanded into a discernible preference among voluntary
group respondents that people of diferent religions be
treated unequally, as shown in Figure 27.
39
Interestingly,
female respondents exhibited a signiicantly higher belief
in equality among religions than males. This may be
relective of the nationality of most female respondents; it
may also relect diferent attitudes by gender and a more
socially cohesive tendency among women, even among
those recruited.
40
Model 1.1 strongly highlights the variation between
those in the voluntary group and others on this variable,
where thinking that religions should be treated the same
is a robust predictor of the likelihood of not joining an
extremist organization. The model indicates that, all else
constant, respondents who believed that they should be
treated the same were between 12 and 26 percent less
likely to be members of extremist organizations, within
the sample. These indings suggest that higher levels of
religious tolerance may serve as a signiicant source of
resilience to recruitment.
41
When asked whether, on joining, respondents felt that
their religion was under threat, a majority (63 percent) of
those in the voluntary group answered in the airmative
(Figure 28). However, when reference group members
were asked the related question for comparison as to
whether they, at the time of the interview, felt their
religion to be under threat, an even greater majority,
by a further 7 percent, said ‘yes’.
47
FIGURE 27
‘DO
YOU THINK PEOPLE BELONGING TO DIFFERENT RELIGIONS SHOULD BE TREATED EQUALLY?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT AND GENDER
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
YES
48%
NO
52%
¢
MALE
YES
¢
FEMALE
NO
56%
44%
53%
47%
73%
27%
53%
47%
FIGURE 28
‘DID YOU CONSIDER YOUR RELIGION TO BE UNDER THREAT?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
63%
Percent of respondents who responded ‘yes’.
70%
41%
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48
RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGIES
Similarly, the diference between perceptions of the size
of their religion and inluence of their religion between
the voluntary and reference populations was minimal
(Figure 29).
A sense of threat towards, or marginalization of, religion
does not therefore appear to substantially diferentiate
the outlooks of those in the voluntary and reference
groups. Indeed, the widespread feeling of religion being
under threat may be a wider source of future risk with
regard to the potential for violent extremism to expand
further across the countries surveyed. Globally mounting
Islamophobic narratives only serve to further inlame
such perceptions.
Diferences do emerge between the groups when
comparing ‘willingness to die for your religion’ – the
ultimate existential level of commitment. Here, those in
the voluntary group take their personal investment in
religious ideology further than others sharing otherwise
similar views about their religion being both under threat
and insuiciently inluential in society.
Thus, while ‘willingness to die for your religion’ ranks
the highest when compared with other causes that people
were invited to rank their willingness to die for among
the voluntary and reference groups alike (Figure 30), it is
discernibly higher among those who had made the journey
to extremism. Forced recruits placed ‘family’ above all
other causes and showed the highest readiness to die for
any cause in that respect among all respondents – possibly
a relection of the trauma of separation linked to the
circumstances of their recruitment.
FIGURE 29
RATING OF SIZE/MAGNITUDE AND INFLUENCE OF RELIGION
IN COUNTRY
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
SIzE / MAGNITUDE OF RELIGION
¢
INFLUENCE OF ThEIR RELIGION IN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ISSUES
¢
DIFFERENCE
Rating on a scale of 1 (Least) to 10 (Most)
<6
7
8<
FIGURE 30
RATING OF WILLINGESS TO DIE FOR THE FOLLOWING
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
 Rating on a scale of 1 (Not at all) to 10 (high)
8
VOLUNTARY
6
FORCED
4
REFERENCE
2
0
Family
Friends
Ethnic group
Religion
Country
HIGHER LEVELS OF RELIGIOUS
TOLERANCE MAY SERVE AS
A SIGNIFICANT SOURCE OF
RESILIENCE TO RECRUITMENT
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2.2 Religious education
When measuring years of religious education, both
voluntary and forced recruits appear to have on average
received fewer years than those in the reference group,
as indicated in Figure 31. However, the data clearly
shows that both voluntary and forced recruits had also
on average memorized a signiicantly larger number of
chapters of the Quran than reference group counterparts
by as many as 10 and six chapters, respectively, as shown
in Figure 32. This is possibly a function of their time spent
with the violent group in question. Figure 32 also shows
that the distribution of chapters of the Quran memorized
for all groups is heavily concentrated at the bottom
(around one to 10 chapters).
In both Models 1.1 and 1.2, having received at least six
years of religious schooling is a powerful reducer of
the likelihood of being found in the voluntary group,
within the sample.
42
The models predict that a person
who received at least six years of religious schooling is
less likely to join an extremist organization by as much
as 32 percent. In fact, this variable is also robust and
statistically signiicant in Models 2.1 and 2.2, which focus
on the path to recruitment.
Model 1.2 includes three additional variables
related to religion: knowledge of at least one-third
of the chapters of the Quran; having studied the
Tafsir (the interpretation of the Quran); and an
interaction between the two. The results indicate that
memorization of at least one-third of the Quran is
statistically signiicant and positively related to joining
an extremist organization
only
when the individual
has not studied the Tafsir and vice versa. However, the
interaction between the two variables, memorizing at
least one-third of the Quran
and
having studied the
Tafsir, is negatively related to the likelihood of joining
an extremist organization in all models, although the
interaction term is not statistically signiicant.
Figure 33 develops these indings further by showing
the distinct gap between
reading
and
understanding
of
the Quran among voluntary group respondents, with as
many as 57 percent admitting either to not reading at
all or understanding what they read ‘less often’ to not
at all.
49
FIGURE 31
NUMBER OF YEARS OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION RECEIVED
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
FIGURE 32
NUMBER OF CHAPTERS OF THE QURAN MEMORIZED
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
114
102
90
78
66
54
42
30
18
6
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
6.3
4.8
4.7
26.1
19.8
16.1
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50
The
Journey to Extremism
indings highlight the way
in which dogma and indoctrination, rather than more
in-depth religious study, inluence susceptibility to
recruitment within the sample. Interpretation of these
indings is premised on the recognition that within the
contexts, with the Quran usually available only in classical
Arabic, people with limited grasp of the language are
often highly dependent on intermediaries as conduits
for religious learning. The more substantive their own
knowledge of the religion is, the readier they may be to
question and engage with militant interpretations.
These indings are particularly important in the prevailing
international and national contexts where perspectives on
violent extremism are frequently conlated with negative
perceptions about Islam itself. This is often expressed
through a commonly accepted perspective on
madrassa-
based radicalization. Instead, it emerges that
quality
religious education served as a source of resilience to
recruitment on the part of those interviewed.
43
Certainly,
utilization of educational platforms by recruiters takes
place and is well documented, including in Africa;
however, other research has begun to suggest that
religious training can be a protective factor, a notion that
is supported by this data.
44
RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGIES
FIGURE 33
READING COMPARED TO UNDERSTANDING OF THE QURAN
VOLUNTARY GROUP
�½
�½
Do you read the Quran by yourself?
YES
31%
Yes, I can interpret
the meaning
NO
12%
More
often
15%
Prefer a more
educated
person explain
the meaning
15%
Less
often
13%
No, cannot
understand
14%
Do you always understand what you read?
THESE FINDINGS ARE PARTICULARLY
IMPORTANT IN THE PREVAILING
INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL
CONTEXTS WHERE PERSPECTIVES ON
VIOLENT EXTREMISM ARE FREQUENTLY
CONFLATED WITH NEGATIVE
PERCEPTIONS ABOUT ISLAM ITSELF
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Key findings
Chapter 2 has shown that while religious ideologies are often expressed as a
primary reason for making the journey to extremism, representing the most
frequently selected response within the sample, a number of other factors are
also inluential. This conirms the importance of inding appropriate strategies
to engage with religious ideologies constructively as part of CT and PVE
interventions. It also supports the notion that religion is exploited by extremist
groups to justify the resort to violence, becoming a focal point for a number of
other grievances and issues.
At the same time, it is clear that although religion may feature prominently
in the factors that pull people to join violent extremist groups, the level of
religious literacy is low among those most vulnerable to recruitment. Therefore,
understanding the actual meaning of religious texts is also low. Higher than
average years of religious schooling appears to have been a source of resilience
within the sample. Meanwhile, not reading or not understanding religious texts
is at 57 percent among voluntary group respondents. These indings challenge
rising Islamophobic rhetoric that has intensiied in the search for efective
responses to violent extremism globally and demonstrate that fostering greater
understanding of religion, through methods that enable students to question
and engage critically with teachings, may be a key resource for PVE initiatives.
It follows that the question of how, when and which
madrassas
intersect with
violent extremism requires close scrutiny in light of these indings, with
negative stereotyping of faith-based education likely to be highly counter-
productive. It also suggests the relevance of improved local governance systems
drawing communities together in overseeing religious afairs.
The journey to extremism involves a hardening of attitudes towards others,
and a discernible preference among those in the voluntary group that people of
diferent religions be treated
unequally,
when compared to other respondents.
Feeling that your religion is under threat was a common perspective among
all respondents, which sounds a warning that the potential threat of further
recruitment by violent extremist groups using religion as a touchstone for other
context-based grievances is very real across the African countries under review.
Moreover, those in the voluntary group are more likely to express a willingness
to die for religion over other causes (while those who have been forced to join
put family irst).
51
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52
‘And, after all these years, there
was no real victory, or progress
that had been made. Too many
civilians and Muslims have died
already. This doesn’t seem like
anything that has an end to it.
And it is for these reasons that I
decided to just give up – all of it.’
Ali, 53
years
old
Recruiter
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53
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54
CHAPTER 3:
ECONOMIC FACTORS
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A further area of personal experience informing individuals’
journey to extremism as explored through the questionnaire
relates to the economic situation of respondents at the time
of recruitment, their rating of the pertinence of economic
factors to their decision to join the violent extremist group,
as well as the extent to which they were remunerated once
recruited. Findings are clustered in the following discussion
under the headings:
Employment status; Rating of economic
factors as drivers of recruitment;
and
Remuneration.
55
In the regions of Africa that are most afected by
violent extremism, stark levels of unemployment and
economic need are apparent. Often these are well below
national averages. For instance, youth unemployment in
Kenya’s coastal and north-eastern counties is between
40 and 50 percent higher than the national average.
45
In a country where 100 million live in poverty, similar
regional variations distort the livelihood prospects of
north-eastern Nigerians.
46
In Kenya, recent data from
the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Index
(OPHI) on multidimensional poverty illustrates this
trend: populations living in northern and, to a lesser
extent, coastal regions where violent extremism is
more prominent experience signiicantly higher levels
of multidimensional poverty than those in Nairobi and
central regions (Figure 34). In Nigeria, similar evidence of
the relative impoverishment of the key states where Boko
Haram has emerged and gained inluence, as against the
national average, is illustrated in Figure 35. Across Kenya,
Somalia, Sudan and the Lake Chad region where the
majority of the interviews took place, the efects of climate
change on already fragile economies are also in evidence.
47
The notion that poverty and unemployment are important
factors driving violent conlict has a long-standing place
in conlict theory and policy discourse. It found fresh
impetus from the late-1990s in part due to the work of
Paul Collier, whose empirical approach to the economic
dimensions of civil wars argued that a preponderance of
young men in society with few licit earning opportunities
was strongly correlated with the likelihood of civil war,
particularly in contexts with a high availability of
‘lootable’ primary commodities.
48
However, others have
long sounded a warning note cautioning against an overly
deterministic understanding of the relationship between
poverty, unemployment and violence.
Together with education, the evidence on the relationship
between employment, poverty and violent extremism is
mixed. While media and politicians’ commentary often
underlines assumed links between lack of economic
opportunity and violent extremism, much of the literature
has challenged generalized assumptions about this
relationship. Multiple studies highlight the often relatively
aluent proile of violent extremists, pushing attention to
other motivational factors. However, it is again signiicant
that much of this literature is focused on regions other
than Africa.
There is agreement that poverty alone is not a suicient
explanation for violent extremism in Africa. Still, it is
accepted that violent extremist groups exploit perceptions
of disproportionate economic hardship or exclusion due
to religious or ethnic identity, while failure to generate
high and sustainable levels of growth and job creation
are also critically linked. Economic factors can thus best
be described as one among several sets of issues driving
recruitment of individuals by violent extremist groups.
The wider setting of underdevelopment found in Africa
clearly correlates with a cluster of conditions that have
been shown to be conducive to its expansion.
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56
FIGURE 34
MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY INDEX (MPI)
BY REGION IN KENYA (2014)
ECONOMIC FACTORS
NORTH-EASTERN
RIFT VALLEY
WESTERN
EASTERN
NYANZA
CENTRAL
NAIROBI
COAST
Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) scale
:
The higher the MPI, the greater the poverty.
Darker gradient indicates higher MPI values.
Source: Oxford Poverty and human Development Initiative (2014).
FIGURE 35
MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY INDEX (MPI)
BY STATE IN NIGERIA (2013)
SOKOTO
KATSINA
ZAMFARA
KEBBI
KANO
JIGAWA
BORNO
YOBE
KADUNA
NIGER
BAUCHI
GOMBE
ADAMAWA
PLATEAU
KWARA
OYO
TARABA
EKITI
OSUN
OGUN
LAGOS
ONDO
EDO
ANAMBRA ENUGU
KOGI
BENUE
FEDERAL CAPITAL TERRITORY
NASSARAWA
EBONYI
CROSS RIVER
Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) scale
:
DELTA
IMO
ABIA
BAYELSA RIVERS
AKWA IBOM
The higher the MPI, the greater the poverty.
Darker gradient indicates higher MPI values.
RIVERS
Source: Oxford Poverty and human Development Initiative (2013).
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3.1 Employment status
Just 7 percent of voluntary group respondents identiied
‘lost my job’ in answer to questioning about the
‘Speciic
incident that inally motivated you to join the organization’
(this relates to the ‘tipping point’, see Figure 50 in Chapter
5). However, this may as much be a relection of not having
had a job at the time of recruitment as any deprioritization
of economic factors. Indeed, a larger percentage of those
in the voluntary group were unemployed at the time of
recruitment than reference group counterparts, by 16
percent, as shown in Figure 36.
Models 1.1 and 1.2 underline the pertinence of employ-
ment status to vulnerability to recruitment. The
analysis shows that an individual working or studying
was between 3 and 27 percent less likely to be found
in the voluntary group. The variable is statistically
significant at the 95 percent confidence interval or
higher in 8 of the 11 model iterations, including when
used as a treatment. The variable is also found to have
explanatory power in Model 2.2, which explores the
recruitment process.
A larger number of those either studying or employed
(not in vulnerable employment) also took significantly
longer to decide to join a violent extremist group in the
instances when they did end up joining, compared to
those in either vulnerable employment or unemployed,
as shown in Figure 37.
The spread of types of employment in which all
respondents were engaged is shown by country in
Figure 38, confirming that the majority of those
employed were in the informal sector, largely unskilled
or semi-skilled. This finding challenges the widespread
notion that violent extremists tend to hail from more
professional employment backgrounds, at least in the
African context, just as Chapter 1 posed challenges to
hypotheses that assume higher levels of education.
57
FIGURE 38
TYPE OF EMPLOYMENT (IF EMPLOYED)
BY COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
�½
�½
FIGURE 36
‘WHAT DID YOU DO BEFORE YOU GOT INVOLVED WITH THE ORGANIZATION
(OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW)?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
EMPLOYED
VOLUNTARY
FORCED
REFERENCE
¢
STUDENT
¢
UNEMPLOYED
¢
NO RESPONSE
¢
ODD JOBS/UNSKILLED
¢
SEMI-SKILLED
¢
PROFESSIONAL/SKILLED
¢
SELF-EMPLOYED
KENYA
59%
NIGERIA SOMALIA SUDAN
47%
53%
23%
28%
32%
37%
24%
6% 55%
34%
42%
26%
FIGURE 37
PERIOD BETWEEN INTRODUCTION AND JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
VOLUNTARY BY TYPE OF EMPLOYMENT
¢
LESS ThAN A MONTh
Employed
Student
Vulnerable
employed or
unemployed
29%
¢
A YEAR OR MORE
¢
WIThIN A YEAR
41%
49%
57%
44%
32%
36%
15%
19%
18%
13%
14%
9%
31%
7%
11%
22%
24%
24%
7%
INDIVIDUALS WHO WERE STUDYING OR EMPLOYED
AT THE TIME OF JOINING THE ORGANIZATION TOOK
LONGER TO TAKE THE DECISION TO JOIN
16%
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58
3.2 Rating of economic factors as
drivers of recruitment
Unsurprisingly, given the overall context of relative
deprivation and underemployment that emerges,
economic incentives appear to have been an important
element of decision-making within the sample when it
comes to joining a violent extremist group. As indicated
in Figure 26 in Chapter 2, 13 percent of respondents in
the voluntary group selected the answer ‘employment
opportunities’ in explaining why they joined the violent
extremist group in question. This represents the third
most frequent response after ‘being part of something
bigger’ and ‘religious ideas’, which, however, attracted
more than double the number of answers, as discussed
in Chapter 2.
However, in answer to the question
‘At the time you joined
the organization, what was your most immediate need?’,
‘employment’ appears as the most frequently selected
answer by voluntary group members, at 34 percent,
followed by ‘security’, at 25 percent (Figure 39). It is
noteworthy that ‘employment’ was also an important
answer for reference group respondents, underlining the
overall vulnerability at large. Gender variations were
also apparent, although not shown in Figure 39. While
both male and female respondents prioritized security –
with at least 25 percent of the individuals in each group
identifying it as an immediate need – at least 20 percent of
female respondents selected ‘access to water/electricity’,
compared to just 4 percent of males.
ECONOMIC FACTORS
Respondents in the voluntary group reported a high level
of frustration with economic conditions, although less
than the level of frustration felt towards various state
agencies and security forces (discussed in the following
chapter), as shown in Figure 40.
3.3 Remuneration
Finally, respondents were asked whether they were
paid salaries for being in the violent extremist group.
Forty-two percent stated that they were, with some of
these reporting anecdotally that they received monthly
wages that were substantially higher than local averages.
However, a signiicant number were not paid at all. Even
allowing for the high rate of ‘no answers’ to this question,
which may skew the overall result in either direction,
the fact that at least 35 percent of those in the voluntary
group did not receive any pay for their time with violent
extremist groups is striking.
49
Further, very few forced
recruits report receiving any remuneration (Figure 41).
The apparently high incidence of non-payment, even
of individuals voluntarily recruited, is intriguing, and
presents interesting opportunities for PVE programming.
These include considering working together with former
members to raise awareness among those at-risk who may
be incentivized by the prospect of income-generation
that indeed this income may not always be forthcoming.
In addition, in light of the overall relevance of economic
factors, livelihood aspects of reintegration as well as
economic incentives can usefully be prioritized as part of
amnesty and other reintegration programmes.
FIGURE 39
MOST IMMEDIATE NEED AT TIME OF JOINING THE ORGANIZATION (OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW)
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Multiple-answer question. Shows individuals (percent of respective category) who selected the need.
17%
25%
19% 21%
23%
34%
22% 25%
43%
15%
Access to water/electricity
Education
Employment
healthcare
housing
Security
Wife/husband
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FIGUre 40
RATING OF FRUSTRATION AT THE FOLLOWING
VolUntary GroUP
¢
MODERATE/
SEVERE
Government
International community
Military
Economic conditions
Police
Specii
c religious group
Broad community
Speciic ethnic group
Speciic person
Family
65%
56%
55%
55%
55%
53%
44%
43%
41%
37%
FIGUre 41
‘WERE YOU PAID FOR BEING A MEMBER OF THE ORGANIZATION?’
VolUntary and Forced GroUPS
¢
INSIGNIFICANT/
MINOR
35%
44%
45%
45%
45%
47%
56%
57%
59%
63%
¢
VolUntary
¢
Forced
¢
no reSPonSe
�½
�½
�½
�½
YES
NO
59
42%
35%
YES
NO
17%
64%
Key findings
The proile of many violent extremists in parts of the
world other than Africa and in leadership positions may
well be one of relative privilege, as highlighted in much
of the global literature on violent extremism. This should
not to be interpreted to negate the relevance of poverty
and underemployment as a driver of recruitment in
Africa. To the contrary, if an individual was studying or
working, it was found to be less likely within the
Journey
to Extremism
sample that he or she be a member of an
extremist organization by anywhere between 3 percent
and 27 percent. Employment is the single most frequently
cited ‘immediate need’ at the time of joining. Employment
opportunities represent an important component of the
overall ‘reason for joining’, with 13 percent stating it as a
priority. And individuals who joined, but were studying
or employed (and not in vulnerable employment) at the
time of joining, took longer to make the decision to join,
from irst introduction to the group in question, than
counterparts who were either in vulnerable employment
or unemployed.
The indings shown in Chapter 3 thus conirm that eco-
nomic factors are likely to be a critical component of the
overall incentives and drivers leading to recruitment in
many cases, although at the same time are also unlikely to
be the sole factor.
The grievances associated with growing up in contexts
where multidimensional poverty is high and far
deeper than national averages, with the lived reality of
unemployment and underemployment, render ‘economic
factors’ a major source of frustration identiied by
those in the voluntary group. This manifestly adds
to individuals’ vulnerability to narratives that invite
them to channel such grievances and associated
desperation into the cause (or the ‘bigger picture’) of
violent extremist groups. The economic injustices and
relative deprivation faced provide fertile ground for
recruitment. The fact that employment was highlighted
as an important issue by reference group respondents
indicates the threat of future violent extremist
expansion in Africa.
The indings highlight uneven experiences regarding
remuneration by violent extremist groups in Africa.
Some reported incomes above the local average, but
at least 35 percent of those in the voluntary group
were reportedly not paid at all during their period
of recruitment. This hints at possible avenues for
PVE counter-narrative interventions, as well as the
importance of livelihood dimensions to reintegration
and amnesty processes.
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60
‘I was ordered to be a
suicide bomber. I was
assigned to detonate
in either State House
or the airport.’
Sadiq, 19
years
old
Fighter
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62
CHAPTER 4:
STATE AND CITIZENSHIP
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Questions concerning respondents’ perspectives on, and grievances against,
different organs of the state represented a significant component of the
Journey to Extremism
questionnaire and subsequent data analysis, as were
specific issues regarding democratic participation. This area of research has
produced striking findings on the relationship between the state, citizenship
and violent extremism, which are included below under the headings:
Confidence in government; Grievances with security actors; Democratic
participation;
and
Self-identification with the nation-state.
63
The importance of a state’s strength as well as its
character have been emphasized by researchers and
policymakers as highly pertinent to understanding violent
extremism. Quantitative studies have positively correlated
state instability and the frequency of terrorist attacks.
50
Elsewhere, it has been shown that out of 23 countries in
conlict, 17 experience violent extremism, and 88 percent
of all terrorist attacks have occurred in countries involved
in violent conlict.
51
The process of transitioning between
political systems has also been found to create conditions
that are particularly conducive to the spread of violent
extremist activity.
52
Many of the countries under review
fall into such categories. Delving further into why such
political environments may give rise to violent extremism,
the nature of governance emerges as key. The quality of
state-citizenship relationships across a range of indicators
is increasingly recognized as an important factor driving
the spread of violent extremism.
A sense of grievance towards, and limited conidence in,
government is perhaps an unsurprising corollary to this
pattern of life experience, both for the relatively few that
will ultimately be recruited by violent extremist groups
as well as the wider community. Political marginalization
is a further critical dimension of the overall macro-level
environment conducive to violent extremism.
The research found that airmative answers to the
question
‘Do you agree with the statement: the government
only looks after the interests of a few?’
were at over 50
percent for all groups surveyed (including the reference
group members), indicating a pervasive scepticism about
government’s commitment to the population at large
within the societies in question. The airmative is highest
among those in the voluntary group, at 18 percent higher
than for the reference group, as shown in Figure 42.
Indeed, 83 percent of the voluntary group agreed with
the statement.
4.1 Confidence in government
As this research has established, the journey to extremism
in Africa frequently starts in peripheral geographic
regions where multidimensional poverty is above national
averages. Individuals in the
Journey to Extremism
volunt-
ary group are likely to be those who are from among the
poorest communities within the national contexts, and
to have the lowest levels of education and most marginal
livelihood opportunities. These factors appear to have
combined with family circumstances at home, as well as
relatively limited exposure to other groups, to contribute
to overall vulnerability.
FIGURE 42
‘DO YOU AGREE WITH THE STATEMENT:
THE GOVERNMENT ONLY LOOKS AFTER AND PROTECTS
THE INTERESTS OF A FEW?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Percent of respondents
who responded ‘yes’.
�½
�½
83%
65%
61%
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64
STATE AND CITIzENShIP
The issue of how successful governments are perceived
to be in providing key services to the population again
underscores people’s low conidence. This is particularly
acute among those in the voluntary group, for whom
the percentage of those who consistently rate the
government’s success in the provision of services as ‘not
at all/poor’ is signiicantly higher than reference group
counterparts, as illustrated in Figure 43.
53
Figure 39 in Chapter 3 indicates that signiicant per-
centages of individuals in both voluntary and reference
groups chose education as one of their most immediate
needs. In Figure 43, both groups also rated the provision
of education to be ‘not at all/poor’ at 67 percent and
41 percent respectively. While the need for education
and its weak provision are expressed by both groups,
all else equal, Models 1.1 and 1.2 show that individuals
who believed government provision of education was
‘improving/excellent’ were less likely to be found in the
voluntary group by 16 percent to 26 percent.
Identiication of corruption as a speciic obstacle to
satisfactory government performance was explored with
a series of questions about paying bribes. Respondents in
the voluntary group either had more experience of paying
bribes, or were more willing to answer that they did pay
bribes, by 16 percent, as shown in Figure 44.
FIGURE 43
RATING OF GOVERNMENT SUCCESS IN PROVISION OF THE FOLLOWING
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
Not at all / poor
Safety from
foreign enemy
Everyday safety
79%
44%
79%
50%
Education
67%
41%
healthcare
Water/electricity
67%
38%
70%
42%
Feeling of belonging
in the country
72%
45%
28%
29%
39%
28%
33%
38%
Average
Improving / Excellent
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
FIGURE 44
‘DID YOU EVER PAY A BRIBE?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
Percent of respondents who responded ‘yes’.
58%
18%
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
42%
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4.2 Grievances with security actors
A further common feature of weak governance in
peripheral regions that are marginal in development terms
may be the presence, however occasional, of repressive and
corrupt security agencies who exacerbate the experience
of overall state neglect, presenting a hostile face of
government that is inimical to local citizens. Indeed,
conidence in security agencies, or lack thereof, has been
established as a crucial factor inluencing the spread
of violent extremism. Militarized responses to violent
extremism have only served to deepen long-standing
mistrust and alienation, with governments’ CT strategies
often explicitly identiied as a source of grievance. In
many countries, there is clear and growing evidence of
the way in which governments have instrumentalized CT
and PVE agendas in order to limit the space for political
opposition and non-state actors, including civil society
and the media.
54
Yet experts urge the importance of
working with local civil society actors as key champions in
PVE, if interventions are to be efective.
55
Lack of due process in operations targeting speciic violent
extremist groups has been associated with large-scale
human rights abuses among civilians in afected areas,
with the result that communities are often more afraid of
state security forces than of violent extremist groups.
56
The
2017 Global Peace Index
inds that ‘state-sponsored
violence’ declined in all regions of the world during 2016
except for Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and
North Africa region, where it increased.
57
According
to one expert: ‘Confronting Islamist extremism with
heavy-handed or extrajudicial law enforcement is likely
to backire by inlaming real or perceived socio-economic
cleavages and exclusionist narratives used by violent
extremist groups.’ 
58
The
Journey to Extremism
research unequivocally
underscores this paradox as it is playing out today in
Africa. Respondents to the questionnaire were invited
to rate their level of trust held in diferent authorities. It
emerges in Figure 45 that trust in police and politicians
and the military is extremely low, closely followed by
intelligence agencies, prison authorities, then national
and local government. Again, while trust levels are low
overall, trust on the part of those in the voluntary group
was signiicantly lower than among reference group
counterparts, averaging 78 percent rating ‘not at all/
poor’ level of trust in the police, politicians and military.
However, community and religious leaders are held in
relatively high regard.
59
65
FIGURE 45
RATING OF TRUST IN THE FOLLOWING PEOPLE AND INSTITUTIONS
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Not at all / poor
Top political leadership
National government
Local government
Politicians
Police
Military
Intelligence agencies
Prison authorities
Religious leaders
Community leaders
30%
70%
75%
72%
81%
82%
76%
76%
75%
35%
48%
47%
55%
55%
36%
Average
�½
�½
Improving / Excellent
36%
41%
66%
41%
59%
49%
19%
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66
STATE AND CITIzENShIP
The lack of trust in evidence in Figure 45 thus conirms
the high level of frustration towards the police and
military relected in the rating of diferent sources of
frustration shown in Figure 40 (Chapter 3). Further
evidence of this crucial experience-based and attitudinal
aspect of the journey to extremism – particularly as it
relates to the ‘tipping point’ for recruitment – is included
in Chapter 5.
4.3 Democratic participation
The issue of whether respondents had any experience of
voting in elections, and whether they had conidence that
to do so would lead to positive change in their lives, was
also explored. Unsurprisingly, given the diferent degrees
of democratic institution-building and systems across
the diferent countries, strong country variations were
apparent. However, comparing those in the voluntary
group with those in the reference group reveals no
discernible overall variation in experience of having
voted (Figure 46).
This similarity in actual experience of having voted
between groups is all the more striking when compared to
their respective levels of conidence as to whether or not
‘elections can bring change’. As shown in Figure 47, those
in the voluntary group are likely to have a signiicantly
lower degree of such conidence, by 29 percentage points.
Model 1.1 conirms conidence in elections – taken in
the research as a proxy for conidence in the system of
democratic participation as a whole – as a signiicant
predictor in the likelihood of belonging to the voluntary
group. The model indicates that those who believe in the
power of elections to bring change despite not having
ever voted were between 17 and 27 percent less likely to
be found in the voluntary group, within the sample. This
indicates a striking diference between those who joined
violent extremist groups and those who did not in terms
of conidence in democratic processes and the possibility
of positive change. It thereby suggests that the mindset
of heightened threat perception and mistrust of others,
found to be more common within the voluntary group
dating back to childhood, may have matured in adulthood
to a deep-seated and wider pessimism.
4.4 Self-identification with the nation-state
Relecting the disparities found among categories of
respondents in answer to the question
‘Did you sing the
national anthem in childhood?’,
there are further variations
in how proud diferent respondents are of their country in
adulthood. Those in the voluntary group were on average
less proud, as shown in Figure 48. However, the margin
of diference is slight – and as such is equally indicative of
a more widespread feeling of alienation from the nation-
state. Average ratings for ‘willingness to die for your
country’ are low for all groups, however they appear to
be slightly higher among both voluntary and forced group
members than among the reference group – an interesting
contrast possibly informed by their experience of
heightened insecurity associated with combat (Figure 49).
FIGURE 46
‘HAVE YOU EVER VOTED IN ELECTIONS?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
REFERENCE
FIGURE 47
‘DO YOU THINK ELECTIONS CAN BRING CHANGE?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
�½
�½
YES
27%
NO
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
REFERENCE
YES
41%
NO
26%
70%
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FIGURE 48
‘HOW PROUD ARE YOU OF YOUR COUNTRY?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
121
67
Rating on a scale of 1 (Not at all) to 10 (Very proud)
75
CATEGORY AVERAGE
39
25
32
21
49
33
38
24
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
0
2
8
5
8
7
13
14
10
5
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
46
20
4
1
9
2
3
7
4
5
5
8
6
8
7
14
16
8
9
10
FIGURE 49
‘RATE YOUR WILLINGNESS TO DIE FOR YOUR COUNTRY’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
Rating on a scale of 1 (Not at all) to 10 (high)
58
�½
�½
CATEGORY AVERAGE
O
1
2
22
26
15
16
24
7
14
O
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
7
0
1
2
11
3
7
4
4
5
6
6
5
7
2
8
1
9
O
10
46
17
19
11
3
9
4
5
12
19
O
O
9
O
10
1
2
6
7
8
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68
Key findings
A sense of grievance towards, and limited conidence in, government is
seemingly widespread in the regions of Africa associated with the highest
incidence of recruitment to violent extremism – possibly an inevitable corollary
of the life experience of growing up in the context of acute and relative
multidimensional poverty, neglect and political marginalization afecting these
areas. Disafection with government is markedly higher, even against this high
average, among the
Journey to Extremism
voluntary group across several key
indicators: belief that government only looks after the interests of a few; level
of trust in government authorities; and experience, or willingness to report
experience, of bribe-paying. Grievances against security actors are particularly
marked, with lack of trust in the military and police – as well as politicians
– substantially high across groups and, again, signiicantly higher within the
voluntary group, with an average of 78 percent rating their level of trust as ‘not
at all’ or ‘poor’.
All else constant, positive experience of efective service provision is
conirmed as a promising source of resilience, with respondents who think that
governments’ provision of education is either ‘excellent’ or ‘improving’ between
16 and 26 percent less likely to be a member of the voluntary group.
Those most susceptible to recruitment demonstrate a signiicantly lower degree
of conidence in the potential for democratic institutions to deliver progress
or positive change, even in instances where they have never voted. If someone
believes in the power of elections to bring about change, but has not voted, she
or he was between 17 and 27 percent less likely to be a member of the voluntary
group. This attitude is indicative of a deep-seated pessimism that has matured
since childhood.
Those in the voluntary group express less pride in their country than their
reference group counterparts – although not by a great margin, suggesting
alienation from the nation-state may be widespread. They, together with those
who have been forcibly recruited, are more willing to die for their country, which
may be an indication of a heightened exposure to combat risk and trauma.
It emerges strongly that the journey to extremism is signiicantly marked by
a fractured relationship between the state and citizens. The indings suggest
that, beyond simply holding elections, wider commitment to building an
inclusive social contract between government and citizens is a critical means
of establishing resilience to violent extremism in Africa.
STATE AND CITIzENShIP
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69
It emerges strongly that
the journey to extremism
is signiicantly marked by a
fractured relationship between
the state and citizens. The
indings suggest that beyond
simply holding elections,
wider commitment to building
an inclusive social contract
between government and
citizens is a critical means
of establishing resilience to
violent extremism in Africa
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70
‘My brain went crazy
at one point. All I could
ever think about was
the government is full
of inidels, apostates
and hypocrites.’
Mohamed, 28
years old
Tax collector
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71
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72
CHAPTER 5:
THE ‘TIPPING POINT’ AND
RECRUITMENT PROCESS
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The
Journey to Extremism
questionnaire was structured in
such a way as to hone in on decisive factors representing
the ‘tipping point’ of individuals’ decision-making about
recruitment to violent extremist groups. It also explored
the process of recruitment itself, its duration and who was
involved, as well as respondents’ accounts of decisions either
to leave or not join. Findings are included below under the
headings:
The ‘tipping point’; The recruitment process;
and
Drivers of
non-recruitment,
and demobilization.
73
As outlined in the Introduction to this report, the
methodological approach to the
Journey to Extremism
research is derived from political socialization theory,
which states: ‘Becoming involved in acts of terrorism
does not occur overnight […] it entails a gradual process
that includes a multitude of occurrences, experiences,
perceptions and role-players.’ 
60
It is rarely the result of a
single decision, but the end result of a ‘dialectical process’
that gradually pushes an individual towards violence
over time.
61
Political socialization theory is one variant of a number
of conceptual approaches that are dynamic, individualist
and process-focused, drawing on psychology as much as
political science.
62
Other related approaches that frame
radicalization and recruitment to violent extremism
as a highly individualistic ‘pathway’ are also available.
According to one study, violent extremists travel up to the
‘apex of a pyramid’, from a larger base of sympathizers
and advocates, or people with similar views.
63
A similar
metaphor depicting this journey as a narrowing staircase
has been put forward.
64
Transformative learning theory
suggests a series of cognitive, emotional and personal
shifts occur in radicalizing individuals, leading to a
gradual reconstruction of previously held conceptions,
beliefs and identities alongside associated behaviours.
65
of individuals who voluntarily join violent extremist
groups become starkly diferentiated from a majority
who may live in similar circumstances but will never ind
themselves moved to take such a step. This ultimately
highly personal aspect of the journey to extremism
highlights the diiculties faced by policymakers and
others engaged in CT and PVE – arguably unable to reach
such a level of detail and impact in their programmes and
initiatives. Still, better understanding of the inal part of
the journey and its ‘tipping point’ is likely to help in the
search for efective response strategies.
Scholars exploring the relevance of transformative
learning theory in explaining the inal shift to
violent extremism highlight two kinds of events in
which transformations can occur. This might be a
‘transformative trigger or crisis’ that causes instant
disorientation in belief and knowledge systems, prompting
the individual to search for new certainties; or it
might be a steadier process of incremental shifts. This
understanding resonates with the indings of the
Journey
to Extremism
research, in which a stark majority of the
respondents in the voluntary group pointed to traumatic
event(s) as having triggered their eventual decision to join
the violent extremist group in question.
Figure 50 provides critical insights to the ‘tipping point’
for recruitment. In answer to the question
‘What speciic
thing happened that inally motivated you to join the
organization?’,
71 percent identiied ‘government action’,
including ‘killing of a family member or friend’ and ‘arrest
of a family member or friend’. This large percentage
illustrates that in a majority of cases, paradoxically, state
action appears to be the primary factor inally pushing
individuals into violent extremism in Africa.
5.1 The ‘tipping point’
A complex interplay of macro, meso and micro factors,
including internal emotional responses and psychology,
motivate speciic individuals to shift from generalized
radicalization to a new status of violent extremist ready to
perpetrate terrorist acts. In this shift, the smaller number
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74
ThE 'TIPPING POINT' AND RECRUITMENT PROCESS
Nevertheless, ‘hope/excitement’ is recorded as the most
common ‘emotion when joining’, at 35 percent among male
respondents, followed closely by ‘anger’ at 34 percent, then
‘vengeance’ at 14 percent and ‘fear’ at 11 percent (Figure
51). Among females, a signiicantly larger share reported
fear as their primary emotion at the point of joining, at 44
percent, providing clear insight into the degree of trauma
experienced, given that the majority of the females in
the sample were Boko Haram abductees. The prevalence
of emotions of hope and excitement perhaps relects the
urge to transform otherwise impoverished and frustrating
circumstances, which is projected in the decision to be
recruited.
In three iterations of Model 2.2, the killing of a family
member or other government action as the reason that
inally motivated them to join is related to ‘joining with
friends’, increasing the probability by as much as 27
percent and 25 percent, respectively. This perhaps sheds
light on the community-wide impact of such traumatic
events and government actions. However, as Model
2.1 shows, the variables have no consistent impact on
the duration between introduction and joining the
organization. In contrast, Model 2.2 shows that when
‘hate’ is the emotion that best captures the individual’s
decision to join, such respondents were consistently, in
all iterations of the model, less likely to have joined with
a friend.
Despite being a deterrent to joining (as shown in Models
1.1 and 1.2), Model 2.2 suggests that being a student or
employed does make it much more likely that, if such an
individual did join, they did so with a friend (by between
24 percent and 31 percent). This could be because of the
extended social network available to those in employment
or studying, as well as the importance of peer groups in
the recruitment process.
5.2 The recruitment process
Despite the highly personalized aspect of the journey to
extremism, whereby macro, meso and micro factors are
subjectively experienced, research into the processes
of radicalization and recruitment has emphasized the
frequently sociable nature of these processes, with peer
groups playing an important role.
FIGURE 50
SPECIFIC INCIDENT THAT FINALLY MOTIVATED RESPONDENT
TO JOIN THE ORGANIZATION
VOLUNTARY GROUP
�½
�½
Multiple-answer question.
Shows percent of individuals who selected the incident.
FIGURE 51
EMOTION THAT BEST CAPTURES DECISION TO JOIN
VOLUNTARY GROUP
�½
�½
Multiple-answer question.
Shows individuals (percent of category) who selected the emotion.
MALE
ACTIONS
OF ANOTHER
RELIGIOUS
GROUP 7%
Fear
11
FEMALE
44
hope/Excitement
35
30
GOVERNMENT
ACTION
71%
LOST MY
JOB 7%
Anger
34
15
hate
8
22
OTHER
7%
Vengeance
14
0
LOST A CLOSE
FAMILY MEMBER/
FRIEND
8%
REGIONAL
DEVELOPMENTS
8%
ACTIONS
OF
ANOTHER
ETHNIC
GROUP
3%
Contempt
3
7
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 2%
Guilt
3
0
HOPE OR EXCITEMENT
IS RECORDED AS
THE MOST COMMON
EMOTION WHEN JOINING,
PERHAPS REFLECTING
THE URGE TO TRANS-
FORM OTHERWISE
IMPOVERISHED
AND FRUSTRATING
CIRCUMSTANCES
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INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
2%
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Figure 52 further illustrates the important role played
particularly by community peer groups (e.g. friends), as
well as religious igures, in facilitating recruitment to
violent extremism in Africa. These indings demonstrate
that recruitment is ultimately a highly localized process,
inluenced though it may be by globalized ideas.
Figure 53 illustrates the speed at which recruitment
actually occurs, with 48 percent of respondents in the
voluntary group taking less than one month from irst
introduction to the group and subsequent joining, and
a further 32 percent taking between one month and one
year. A total of 80 percent joined within a year. While the
milestones along a typical journey to extremism date back
to childhood, the inal steps on the narrowing staircase, to
borrow the metaphor, are remarkably quick.
Model 2.1 suggests that the speed of joining is hindered
by three variables: age when the individual decided
to join; whether the individual received six years of
religious education; and whether the individual was
aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining.
The older individuals were when they decided to join the
organization, the less likely it was that they joined before
a month had passed, likely a function of more mature
decision-making abilities. All else constant, the three
variables reduce the likelihood of individuals joining
before one month by as much as 68 percent, 38 and 28
percent, respectively.
Model 2.1 compared variables related to position within
the organization, as against speed of joining and whether
or not individuals joined with a friend. It shows that
if someone were to work in intelligence within the
organization, they would be between 13 percent and 36
percent more likely to join before a month of knowing the
organization had elapsed. Model 2.2 further indicates that
ighters were more likely to join with a friend, while those
in intelligence positions were less likely to do so.
Taken as a whole, this data illustrates that, while on the
one hand it may be possible to deduce a generic sense
of the journey to extremism in Africa from the research
indings, it is also important to better understand
variations experienced by diferent types of individuals.
These can be relective of their future rank and position
within the organizations, among other factors.
75
FIGURE 52
‘WHO INTRODUCED YOU TO THE ORGANIZATION?’
VOLUNTARY GROUP
�½
�½
Multiple-answer question.
Shows percent of individuals who selected the source of introduction.
FIGURE 53
PERIOD BETWEEN INTRODUCTION AND JOINING THE ORGANIZATION
VOLUNTARY GROUP BY ORGANIzATION
¢
AL-ShABAAB
Less than a month
Between a month and a year
32%
9%
¢
BOKO hARAM
¢
ISIL
¢
OThER
48%
RELIGIOUS
FIGURE 17%
More than a year
Total percentages do not add up to 100 due to missing responses.
FRIEND 50%
FAMILY
MEMBER
8%
COMMUNITY
MEMBER 2%
APPROACHED BY
GROUP 3%
JOINED ON OWN 17%
FRIEND
ON THE
INTERNET
3%
OTHER 2%
RECRUITMENT IS ULTIMATELY
A HIGHLY LOCALIZED PROCESS,
INFLUENCED THOUGH IT MAY
BE BY GLOBALIZED IDEAS
TEACHER 1%
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76
Meanwhile, the preponderance of attention given to
online recruitment by violent extremist groups in other
global contexts is challenged by the
Journey to Extremism
indings, which underscore the poor connectivity faced
in most periphery areas of Africa where violent extremist
activity is more prevalent. As shown in Figure 54, of the
countries surveyed, Internet usage by those recruited
was highest in Sudan, followed by Kenya, with extremely
infrequent usage in Somalia and Nigeria. Overall, the
voluntary group report a 9 percentage-point higher
usage rate than among reference group counterparts. In
Sudan’s case, a high level of Internet usage among those
in the sample, and the entirely foreign-ighter model of
recruitment to groups such as ISIL, render it comparable
to European foreign-ighter types of recruitment, for
which the Internet is a major vehicle. For the other
countries, Internet-based recruitment appears to be of far
less prominence than more immediate contacts within the
community, although not insigniicant.
66
As connectivity
rates continue to improve across the continent, the
potential for new methods of recruitment to gain sway in
these areas, bringing with them a far wider reach than the
current highly localized processes, can also be anticipated.
As a result, an increase in African foreign-ighter partici-
pation in global settings may also emerge.
ThE 'TIPPING POINT' AND RECRUITMENT PROCESS
5.3 Drivers of
non-recruitment,
and demobilization
The research also sought to identify factors that may
have constrained individuals who otherwise experience
similar circumstances to those recruited by violent
extremist groups from joining. A minority of reference
group respondents reported being approached to join
an extremist organization, as shown in Figure 55. While
these numbers are perhaps surprisingly low, they serve to
again underline that violent extremism has the potential
to grow signiicantly in reach and spread, if the responses
of the reference group can be taken to indicate a similar
lack of contact in the population at large. Hence, given
the prevalence of conducive conditions across Africa,
the ‘market’ for violent extremist recruitment is far
from saturated. This again underlines the importance
of a continued focus on ending violent extremism in the
region, with creative and evidence-based approaches.
FIGURE 54
FREQUENCY OF INTERNET USE
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT AND COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
¢
NEVER
¢
EVERY MONTh/ONCE IN A WhILE
¢
EVERY DAY/EVERY WEEK
CATEGORY
VOLUNTARY
FORCED
REFERENCE
KENYA
COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
NIGERIA
SOMALIA
SUDAN
FIGURE 55
‘HAVE YOU EVER BEEN APPROACHED TO JOIN AN EXTREMIST
ORGANIZATION?’
REFERENCE GROUP BY COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
YES
KENYA
12%
NO
84%
NO ANSWER
4%
NIGERIA
15%
78%
7%
52%
96%
60%
33%
88%
70%
13%
87%
SOMALIA
16%
69%
15%
9%
58%
9%
39%
10%
30%
4%
8%
10%
20%
4%
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The most common reasons cited by reference group
respondents for
not
joining were strikingly ideological
(in the sense of non-agreement with the ideologies of
extremist groups). This may be a function of the higher
levels of religious literacy of this group, discussed in
Chapter 2. Fear was also a prominent factor. Figure 56
shows top reasons ofered.
Interestingly, a signiicantly larger share of reference
group than voluntary group members were aware of
initiatives to prevent people from joining, by 14 percent,
as shown in Figure 57, possibly a positive indication of
the value of such work. As Model 2.1 shows, individuals
who were aware of initiatives were less likely to have
joined before a month had elapsed (i.e. took longer to
make the decision to join). Model 2.2 shows, however,
that a person who is aware of preventive initiatives
but does join is more likely to join with friends, which
suggests the higher inluence of peer groups on
decision-making.
Just as ideological reasons prevent reference group
respondents from considering joining, ideological reasons
are also prioritized by voluntary group members who were
aware of, but chose not to pursue, initiatives designed
to prevent them from joining, as shown in Figure 58.
Distrust of those who presented the initiatives was a
further factor. This distrust perhaps resonates with the
high-level of frustration with the international community
explicitly expressed in Figure 40 (Chapter 3) – and some
of the challenges arising from development partners
privileging implementing agencies or contractors from
their own countries when ofering PVE programmes.
A further factor highlighted in Figure 58 is perceptions
that the ‘ideals of the violent extremist group were more
attractive’. Distrust in those presenting the initiatives
was especially high among the sample in Kenya, while the
ideals of the group being more attractive was particularly
high in Sudan (possibly a function of the higher use of
the Internet).
77
FIGURE 56
RATING OF TOP REASONS FOR NOT JOINING EXTREMIST
ORGANIZATION
REFERENCE GROUP
¢
MAJOR/SEVERE
¢
MODERATE
¢
MINOR/INSIGNIFICANT
100%
FIGURE 57
‘WERE YOU AWARE OF ANY INITIATIVES
TO PREVENT PEOPLE FROM JOINING?’
BY CATEGORY OF RESPONDENT
Percent of respondents who responded ‘yes’.
Did not agree with group’s overall objectives
Fear of extremist group’s actions in immediate area
Did not agree with group’s political ideology
Not worth the risk of being killed/captured
Did not agree with group’s religious ideology
Did not agree with group’s tactics
Government action against extremist group
Followed the advice of family
Agreed with group’s ideology but not tactics
Intervention from community leaders
Followed the advice of close friend
Intervention from religious leaders
Intervention from teachers
52%
50%
49%
45%
48%
42%
41%
35%
27%
27%
27%
26%
25%
13%
16%
17%
16%
15%
18%
18%
20%
9%
13%
18%
24%
25%
30%
30%
42%
42%
34%
34%
34%
52%
57%
56%
57%
59%
57%
¢
VOLUNTARY
¢
FORCED
¢
REFERENCE
48%
37%
62%
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78
ThE 'TIPPING POINT' AND RECRUITMENT PROCESS
As already indicated in the introductory section on demo-
graphic proile of the respondents, the age of recruit-
ment is typically between 17 and 26. Seventy percent of
respondents stayed with the group in question for between
six months and four years.
Voluntary group members were asked to rate the factors
that inluenced them in cases where they had willingly
surrendered or applied for amnesty (Figure 59). Here,
a clear shift in conidence in the ideology, leadership
and actions of the violent extremist group in question,
as well as a sense that the ‘organization turned against
me’, were rated highest, above other factors such as
risk of being killed or captured, or because friends were
killed or arrested. Economic factors do not seem to have
come into the equation as strongly as they do at the
time of recruitment, though given their prominence in
earlier sections of the questionnaire, this ought not to be
taken to negate the pertinence of livelihood aspects of
reintegration.
Overall, the preponderance of answers that emphasize
‘ideas’ suggests both the importance of counter-
narratives as well as intensiied eforts to provide
amnesty and other exit opportunities for those who
have become disengaged or disenchanted. The level of
disillusion indicates the scope for amnesty and other
demobilization programmes to reach out with targeted
initiatives ofering ‘exit strategies’ to members of violent
extremist groups looking for such opportunities.
FIGURE 58
‘WHAT PREVENTED YOU FROM CONSIDERING THESE INTIATIVES?’ (TOP REASONS)
VOLUNTARY GROUP BY COUNTRY OF INTERVIEW
¢
¢
¢
¢
KENYA
NIGERIA
SOMALIA
SUDAN
The ideals of the group were more attractive
I did not agree with their opinions
My friends convinced me not to consider their ideas
Distrust of those who presented these initiatives
The group was more successful in providing answers
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55%
AMONG THOSE WHO
HAVE SURRENDERED,
A CLEAR SHIFT AWAY
FROM THE IDEOLOGY,
LEADERSHIP AND
ACTIONS OF THE
VIOLENT EXTREMIST
GROUP WAS
EXPRESSED
FIGURE 59
INFLUENCE OF THE FOLLOWING REASONS IF INDIVIDUAL SURRENDERED OR APPLIED FOR AMNESTY
VOLUNTARY GROUP
SEVERE/MAJOR
53
37
38
25
16
17
16
9
5
4
0
MODERATE
INSIGNIFICANT/
MINOR
1
3
1
8
5
5
5
2
5
7
1
3
5
3
5
18
17
18
27
31
28
9
Physical strain
of the activities
Organization
turned
against me
No longer agereed
with their actions
The government
convinced me
Close friends
were arrested
Close friends
were killed
As a percent of total number of voluntary respondents who willingly surrendered or applied for amnesty.
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No longer agreed
with their ideology
Other employment
opportunities
Risk of being killed
or captured
Lost trust in the
leadership
Friends
convinced me
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Model 3 shows that those who reported ‘hate’ as the
primary emotion for joining were more likely, by
24 percent to 44 percent, to apply for amnesty or to
surrender. This inding may derive from the transience
of such emotions, which fade and allow an individual to
become disillusioned, and reconsider options. In contrast,
joining the organization with friends is negatively related
to surrendering or applying for amnesty, including when
used as a treatment, by as much as 12 percent. Friends may
add peer pressure while enhancing the feeling of family
and belonging, making it harder for someone to leave.
The model inds no consistent evidence that knowledge
of initiatives to prevent people from joining is statistically
signiicant in surrendering or applying for amnesty.
With respect to age, the older the individual was when
becoming aware of joining the organization, the more
likely they were to surrender or apply for amnesty.
Finally, the level of regret at ever having joined the
organization was unequivocally expressed by 100 percent
of those in the ‘under formal process’ sub-categories of
‘surrendered’ or ‘other’; 80 percent of those involved in
amnesty programmes; and 55 percent of those in other
formal rehabilitation programmes, as shown in Figure
60. These answers may have been particularly inluenced
by the circumstances faced by these individuals who
were involved in speciic programmes, and recalling
that the majority of interviews took place in prisons and
detention centres. It is interesting to note the relatively
high numbers expressing regret at getting caught as
compared to not joining in the irst place; as well as other
responses such as ‘change the tactics of the organization
(not resorting to violence)’ among those not part of,
or awaiting, formal process. Ongoing commitment to
the cause among the few within the overall sample
interviewed who were still active members of violent
extremist groups is clearly apparent among the 76 percent
who would have liked to ‘recruit more members’. This
response is also present in small numbers across other
sub-categories. Still, despite some ambiguity, an overall
sense of regret at ever having joined, at least on the part
of those involved in some sort of formal disengagement
process, is the primary response expressed.
79
FIGURE 60
‘LOOKING BACK, WHAT CHANGES WOULD YOU WANT TO MAKE?’
VOLUNTARY GROUP BY STATUS IN ORGANIzATION
¢
ChANGE ThE TACTICS OF ThE ORGANIzATION (NOT RESORTING TO VIOLENCE)
¢
NOT GET CAUGhT
¢
NOT JOIN ThE ORGANIzATION
UNDER FORMAL PROCESS (55%)
6%
12%
15%
10%
28%
¢
RECRUIT MORE MEMBERS
¢
OThER
CURRENT
MEMBER
(4%)
NOT PART OF/AWAITING FORMAL PROCESS (41%)
4%
7%
76%
37%
80%
55%
100%
100%
20%
62%
24%
12%
3%
11%
12%
3%
25%
Other
Surrendered
Amnesty
Numbers may not add up to 100 due to rounding of.
Rehabilitation
programme
In detention
Arrested
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80
Key findings
The overall environment faced by individuals most
susceptible to recruitment to violent extremist groups
in Africa would appear to be highly conducive, given the
speed of recruitment evidenced by this research. Forty-
eight percent of respondents joined in less than a month
from irst contact with the organization in question, and
80 percent within a year.
The idea of a ‘transformative trigger’ that pushes
individuals decisively from the ‘at-risk’ category to
actually taking the step of joining is substantiated by
the
Journey to Extremism
dataset. Among the voluntary
group respondents, 71 percent pointed to ‘government
action’, including ‘killing of a family member or friend’
or ‘arrest of a family member or friend’, as the immediate
incident that prompted them to join. The fact that the
conduct of state security actors can serve as an accelerator
of recruitment to this extent throws the urgency of the
question of how CT and wider security functions of
governments in at-risk environments conduct themselves
with regard to human rights and due process into stark
relief.
Feelings of ‘hope/excitement’ and ‘being part of something
bigger’ were high among the voluntary group, indicating
the ‘pull’ of opportunity for radical change and rebellion
against the
status quo
of circumstances that is presented
by violent extremism. Despite the highly personal aspects
of the journey to extremism, community-level social
networks are inluential, with half of voluntarily recruited
individuals reporting that they were irst introduced to
the organization by a friend.
With the exception of the Sudanese respondents, the
journey to extremism in Africa among the sample relied
signiicantly less heavily than in other regions on the
Internet as a venue for recruitment. This inding has
important implications for some of the popular counter-
messaging programmes emerging in the PVE space and
how they are delivered. At the same time, the future for
new and expanding theatres of violent extremism as
well as larger numbers of African foreign ighters is also
suggested, as connectivity and access to the Internet
continue to improve across the continent.
Moreover, the highly localized means of recruitment to
violent extremism in Africa has important implications
for response strategies and the search for solutions. The
research found that people who were aware of initiatives
to prevent them from joining were less likely to join
within one month. Although most members of the
voluntary group who were aware of such initiatives did
not seek out their services, some important impacts in
fulilling preventive objectives can be deduced. Improved
delivery mechanisms, ensuring these engage and work
appropriately at the community level with trusted local
partners and vernacular messaging, will lead to better
results.
With respect to the ‘tipping point’ and the fact that the
majority of citizens living in similar settings simply do
not arrive at it, the importance of ideas and beliefs, and
a sense of mistrust in, or disagreement with, the ideas
of the violent extremist group in question emerge as
critical. Ideas are similarly central to understanding later
disillusionment with the groups on the part of those
voluntarily recruited, including those who have sought
amnesty. The importance of quality education is again
underlined, while alternative narratives and discourse
is also conirmed as key. The level of regret in evidence
among those who had joined voluntarily is powerfully
relected and may itself provide important evidence to
be leveraged in deterring others at risk of recruitment. It
also points to the importance of scaling up programmes
that ofer targeted ‘exit strategies’ to those looking for
opportunities to disengage.
ThE 'TIPPING POINT' AND RECRUITMENT PROCESS
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82
JOURNEY TO EXTREMISM IN AFRICA
As might be undertaken by an individual most
at risk of recruitment by a violent extremist
group in Africa, based on the key evidence
produced by the
Journey to Extremism
project.
ACUTE SENSE OF
PLACE
OF BIRTH
MOST LIKELY TO HAVE
GROWN UP IN HIGHLY
UNDERDEVELOPED AND
PERIPHERAL REGION
OF AFRICA
HAVE 4
33%
OR LESSYEARS
OF SECULAR
GRIEVANCE
TOWARDS
GOVERNMENT
‘GOVERNMENT
83%
AGREELOOKS AFTER THE
ONLY
INTERESTS OF A FEW’
EDUCATION
51%
IDENTIFY
AS A MAIN REASON FOR JOINING
VIOLENT EXTREMIST GROUP
WHILE
OF RESPONDENTS
REPORT NEVER READING
OR NOT UNDERSTANDING
RELIGOUS TEXTS
UNHAPPY
CHILDHOOD
WITH PERCEIVED LIMITED
INVOLVEMENT OF PARENTS
RELIGION
57%
ESPECIALLY LOW,
STATING ‘NOT AT
ALL/ POOR’
POLICE,
MILITARY &
POLITICIANS
78%
TRUST IN
ETHNIC &
RELIGIOUS
GROUPS
RELATIVELY LOW EXPOSURE
TO
OTHER
55%
HIGHLY FRUSTRATED WITH
ECONOMIC
CONDITIONS
LIMITED CONFIDENCE THAT
DEMOCRATIC
SYSTEMS
CAN BRING POSITIVE CHANGE
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83
EMPLOYMENT
SINGLE MOST FREQUENTLY
MENTIONED IMMEDIATE NEED
AT TIME OF JOINING
1 MONTH — 12 MONTHS
TIPPING POINT
71%
SAY
GOVERNMENT
ACTION TRIGGERED
DECISION TO
JOIN
6 MONTHS — 4 YEARS
SPEED OF
RECRUITMENT
FROM FIRST CONTACT WITH
VIOLENT EXTREMIST GROUP
IS EXTREMELY QUICK
80%
LESS THAN
48%
WITHIN
A YEAR
A MONTH
MOST LIKELY TO
BE AGED BETWEEN
IF LEAVES
LIKELY DUE TO LOSING TRUST
IN ORGANIZATION’S LEADERSHIP,
OR NO LONGER AGREEING WITH
THEIR ACTIONS OR IDEAS
REGRETS EVER HAVING JOINED
17
AND
26
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84
IMPLICATIONS FOR
POLICY AND PROGRAMMING
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The
Journey to Extremism
report is the result of an intensive two-year research
process, visiting remote areas of Africa where recruitment to violent extremist
groups is highest, and interviewing an unprecedented number of former recruits.
It represents a major output of UNDP Africa’s Preventing and Responding to
Violent Extremism: A Development Approach programme, which, as referenced
in the Introduction, has set out to provide leadership and support to national and
regional partners in delivering development-focused and effective responses to
the expanding crises associated with violent extremism across the continent. The
goal of the
Journey to Extremism
research was to construct an evidence base on
the drivers and incentives for recruitment in Africa through the lens of individuals’
stories. Its purpose was, from there, to generate pathways for more effective
policy and programming responses, both to inform UNDP Africa's own ongoing
work and that of other stakeholders and partners.
85
The process has revealed important insights into the
macro, meso and micro aspects of this journey, as well as
triggers, or what the study has referred to as the ‘tipping
point’, for actual recruitment. The
Journey to Extremism
proile infographic above provides a summary of key
indings about the features of this journey based on the
research. Despite the richness of the process, limitations
of the data have also been highlighted, together with
cautions against over-generalizing indings to the wider
population outside the sample. The research recalls the
need for humility in eforts to try to understand such
phenomena. Still, the body of indings points to important
conclusions.
Africa faces a unique vulnerability to violent extremism
that is shaped by persistent underdevelopment and
incomplete peacebuilding and state-building in key
regions, despite the overall gains in many countries of the
past few decades. There are immense challenges faced
by governments: in delivering peace and stability, and a
platform for progress; and in ensuring that the pace and
beneits of growth keep up with the expansion of the most
youthful population in the world. According to the UNDP
Human Development Report 2016,
Africa must double its
rate of progress in order to eliminate extreme poverty
by 2030.
67
Long-standing realities of ‘centre/periphery’ divides have,
if anything, been exacerbated by the growth enjoyed
overall. While poverty persists in national capitals, it is
deepest and most desperate in remote territories, often
borderlands. As highlighted in this study, the ‘accident of
geography’ that is place of childhood dramatically impacts
life horizons and opportunities. Narratives of radical
upheaval and change, which appeal to the multifaceted
sense of grievance that may envelop an individual whose
horizons promise no path for advancement, will continue
to be attractive as long as underlying circumstances
remain unaddressed. Where there is injustice, deprivation
and desperation, violent extremist ideologies present
themselves as a challenges to the
status quo
and form
of escape. The message is tailored by recruiters to suit
diferent contexts as well as diferent types of individuals.
Overall, lack of education and a reliance on religious
teachers to interpret religion allows largely imported
ideologies to serve as a lightning conductor for the
frustration and anger that is the inevitable consequence
of generations of socio-economic and political
marginalization. State neglect and grievances against
security agencies and political actors become particularly
pronounced among those most vulnerable to recruitment,
who also express greater levels of hostility to ‘others’, as
well as deep-seated scepticism about the possibility of
positive change.
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86
By no means will everyone be vulnerable. This study suggests that ‘micro’
experiences within the family and beyond will refract with structural conditions
to shape individual potential. Other sources of resilience have been identiied
that help to distinguish the path of those who voluntarily joined violent extremist
groups and the majority who did not. These include higher levels of parental
involvement as part of childhood experience, higher levels of civic participation
in childhood, increased levels of both secular and religious education, as well
as being in non-vulnerable employment or a student. However, the speed with
which recruitment has been shown to take place, at less than a month in 48
percent of cases reviewed, illustrates both the ‘ripeness’ for recruitment of
those who do make the journey and, by proxy, the depth of Africa’s vulnerability.
Although recruitment to date is largely highly localized, steadily increasing
connectivity across Africa will enable recruitment to expand over time (with
numbers of African foreign ighters joining theatres of conlict outside of their
immediate environments), adding to the sense of threat. Widespread feeling of
religion being ‘under threat’ even among reference group respondents is a further
factor. The prospect of a greater spread of violent extremism, with associated
devastation and backsliding in development terms, is very real and warrants
concerted eforts both to guard against and transform it. The window for
sustained action to prevent and respond to violent extremism is now.
The prospect of a greater spread of violent
extremism, with associated devastation and
backsliding in development terms, is very real
and warrants concerted efforts both to guard
against and transform it. The window for
sustained action to prevent and respond to
violent extremism is now
Indeed, responding to the security and development challenges posed by violent
extremism in Africa has become a major area of policy and programming
attention over the past two decades. The AU, RECs, national governments and
local civil society actors, including faith-based institutions, NGOs and even the
private sector, are actively engaged with related institutions and initiatives in
place, adapted to respond to the speciics of violent extremist group activity in
diferent parts of the continent.
68
Moreover, the support of the international
community has been highly inluential as a feature of regional-level responses.
Key partners from across the United Nations system, the European Union (EU),
as well as bilateral partners among the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) and other countries, are all active, alongside numerous
international NGOs and other implementers. Increasingly, a dominant emphasis
on CT has been complemented by interventions in PVE, that are in turn funded
both through foreign afairs budgets and overseas development assistance (ODA).
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What informs these collective strategies? What are the
assumptions about the nature of violent extremism
and its manifestations in Africa that shape responses?
And are these substantiated in the body of evidence
generated through this research project? Crucially, what
are the entry points at key moments along the ‘journey to
extremism’ that emerge through this research, to prevent,
disrupt and transform it, and how can a new generation of
programming and response most efectively be designed,
going forward?
The following discussion draws together key implications
that arise from the
Journey to Extremism
indings. It is
organized in two sections: (i) policy implications and
(ii) programming recommendations.
I. Policy implications
Delivering on global human rights commitments
and rights-based approaches to militarized and
state-centric CT responses
While military campaigns and state capacity to counter
terrorism are essential components of combatting groups
such as Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab, the question of
how
such force is delivered, and in particular its impacts
on local populations, is critical to long-term success.
The
Journey to Extremism
dataset provides startling new
evidence of just how directly counter-productive security-
driven responses can be, when conducted insensitively. It
highlights widespread mistrust in the police and military
in the countries under review, with scepticism particularly
rampant among voluntary group respondents. State
security agency conduct is a direct trigger for recruitment
in the inal stages of the journey to extremism, with
as many as 71 percent of the voluntary group pointing
to ‘government action’, including traumatic incidents
involving state security forces, as the immediate reason for
joining. These indings suggest that a dramatic reappraisal
of state security-focused interventions, including more
efective oversight of human rights compliance, rule of law
and state accountability, is urgently required.
Despite the shifting policy discourse in favour of
preventive approaches that is signalled by the 2015 United
Nations Plan of Action, security-focused interventions
and a preponderance of expenditure in supporting state
CT capacity remain the major areas of international
support in Africa, a feature that is called into question by
these indings.
69
Going forward, it is essential to long-
term outcomes that international commitments such as
those shared across United Nations member states to
human rights and rule of law, citizens’ participation and
protection, and accountability of state security forces be
actively upheld by all. Ensuring there are no unforeseen
and counter-productive results from international
support, particularly in regard to civic participation, is
also critical. In the absence of ‘state legitimacy’, in the
eyes of citizens living in high-risk areas, initiatives that
focus exclusively on state capacity-building run the risk
of perpetuating malign power structures, which are overt
drivers of violent extremist recruitment in Africa.
87
Reinvigorating state legitimacy through improved
governance performance and accountability
The importance of state legitimacy to delivering
peacebuilding and state-building objectives is well-
established globally, relected in SDG 16, which calls for
the promotion of peaceful and inclusive societies for
sustainable development, access to justice for all, and
efective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all
levels.
70
The research suggests that improved public policy
and delivery of good governance by African governments
confronted with violent extremism will ultimately come
to represent a far more efective source of CT and PVE
impact than continued overconcentration on security-
focused interventions. The
Journey to Extremism
indings
call for a reinvigoration of commitment and action by
states to upgrading the quality and accountability of
institutions across service delivery areas, at national and
sub-national levels, above all in at-risk areas. Deepening
the democratic process and closely guarding its integrity
beyond the moment of elections, into a wider commitment
to an inclusive social contract between government and
citizens, as well as meaningful opportunities for civic
engagement and participation in the national development
agenda, are also highly relevant policy responses implied
by the data.
A dramatic reappraisal of state security-
focused interventions, including more
effective oversight of human rights
compliance, rule of law and state
accountability, is urgently required
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Connecting PVE with peacebuilding and
sustainable development policy frameworks
In addition to the critical importance of improved
governance environments, the
Journey to Extremism
research underscores a spectrum of priorities and entry
points along the journey of the individuals interviewed
that can be deduced to be directly relevant to preventing
further expansion of violent extremism in Africa.
Many of these fall squarely within the sectoral foci and
priorities of the international development agenda.
Accelerated implementation of the Transforming Our
World: Sustainable Development Agenda 2030, including
the 17 SDGs in at-risk areas, would provide an important
foundation for long-term resilience. The fusion of violent
extremism with national and sub-national conlict
dynamics that are both deeper and constantly evolving
is also underscored by this research. This fusion has
proved itself to be both highly combustible and profoundly
destructive, and underlines the pertinence of rounded
response strategies that are situated in appropriate
analytical frameworks providing the contextualized
identiication of root and proximate causes of violent
extremism, as well as its drivers. The interplay of conlict,
development and violent extremism calls for signiicant
intensiication of development and peacebuilding
interventions in at-risk contexts by national governments
and international partners alike.
Following a wider convergence between security and
development over the past decade and as signalled by
the 2015 United Nations Plan of Action and other related
policy frameworks, there is now increasing high-level
recognition of the importance of development approaches
in tackling the root causes, drivers and consequences of
violent extremism as they variously play out in diferent
settings.
71
As also emphasized by the United Nations
and well recognized globally, the inancial, material and
humanitarian costs of investing in prevention compared
to reactively dealing with security crises are signiicantly
lower, providing a clear policy argument for scaling
up prevention work. There is a strong policy basis for
amplifying PVE, including through leveraging ODA as the
anchor of prevention and response eforts in Africa.
Further, the
Journey to Extremism
research has shown
that awareness of initiatives to prevent people from
joining violent extremist groups
does
act as a factor
inluencing decision-making about joining, even while
other challenges concerning the most efective means of
delivery emerge.
However, even as the development dimensions of
violent extremism are gaining higher recognition, key
development partner governments have already reduced
or are considering reductions in ODA expenditure. This
poses the scenario of the range of resources invested
in building peace and amplifying development gains
shrinking, even as military expenditure continues
to grow. Pulling back from international support to
accelerating development progress in areas at-risk of
violent extremism in Africa will be unconstructive in the
extreme. African states must themselves leverage ODA as
well as domestic resources more efectively for prevention
and response eforts. Military solutions alone will not
deliver. Development budgets must be protected, and
smart, targeted PVE programming expanded by national
and international actors alike, if lasting solutions are to be
found.
A tendency for responses to violent extremism to be
articulated outside of the well-established discourse
around peacebuilding and conlict prevention, as well
as sustainable development, persists. Instead, security
perspectives and national interests dominate. Challenges
also persist in integrating institutional perspectives
across security, peacebuilding and development arms of
government. Streamlining responses and drawing on all
relevant departments and capacities across government,
ensuring responses to violent extremism are embedded
and coordinated, must intensify to yield comprehensive
strategies and positive results.
Clarifying tiers of relevance between ODA and PVE
At present, the global context in which international
development budgets are facing new threats has created
a signiicant inducement for development programming
in at-risk African contexts to be rebranded as to some
extent PVE-related. This brings its own challenges. Some
observers have raised concerns about ‘securitization of
aid’, as well as the potential pitfalls that may arise through
the framing of development interventions as PVE-relevant
in highly charged political contexts.
Further, as yet there is limited consensus as to precisely
how diferent types of development programmes can
actually deliver PVE results. Development interventions
that in and of themselves contribute to building more
peaceful and inclusive societies are important. While
conducive
in a generalized sense to reducing the scope
Military solutions alone will not
deliver. Development budgets
must be protected, and smart,
targeted PVE programming
expanded, if lasting solutions
are to be found
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Framework for understanding
the ODA/ PVE relationship
A common distinction has emerged in the discourse between
‘PVE-speciic’ and ‘PVE-relevant’ interventions. The overall goal of
PVE-speciic interventions is most usefully understood to be that
of seeking to disrupt the radicalization and recruitment process
and to reintegrate individuals who have already actively joined
a violent extremist organization (working on ‘pull’ factors).
i
The
overall goal of PVE-relevant interventions is most usefully deined
as those that seek to address the structural drivers of violent
extremism (‘push’ factors): a rich cluster of development indicators,
public and market-based goods and opportunities, the absence of
which combine to incentivize and sustain the activities of violent
extremists in certain settings.
ii
However, maximizing the broad sectoral resonance between
mainstream international development interventions and PVE
objectives requires a sharpened understanding of the potential for
development programming to inluence violent extremism in order
to pinpoint and maximize real ‘relevance’. Context-speciic evidence
such as that generated by the
Journey to Extremism in Africa
dataset helps to weigh and prioritize intervention areas based on
grounded understanding of vulnerability to recruitment.
In general terms, the irst and foremost question to be asked in
order to tighten the line of relevance between a development
sector intervention and PVE relates to geographic targeting, with
national and international actors needing to challenge themselves
to ensure that the beneits of their cooperation are felt in often
hard-to-reach geographic areas where violent extremism may
lourish. PVE-relevance can also be enhanced through relection on
the overall positioning of ODA in regard to state-citizen relations.
Overconcentration of programming that focuses on state capacity
across key sectors, that is not better balanced with support to
non-state actors to engage as active citizens in development
processes, risks playing into malign power structures, as discussed.
Building accountability objectives and civic oversight mechanisms
into all areas of development programming is therefore a
further area through which to sharpen PVE relevance. Finally,
decisions about beneiciary selection may be adjusted to improve
convergence between sectoral interventions and PVE outcomes
in some instances. Ensuring that interventions are cognizant of
opportunities to reach out to at-risk populations as part of overall
intervention design is another area that in some instances may
provide opportunities for synergies. Similarly, ensuring such groups’
feelings of marginalization are not exacerbated inadvertently is
key. Development programmes too often become hostage to
localized patronage networks that inluence their distribution;
rigorous oversight is required to ensure that programmes designed
to improve the conidence of at-risk individuals do not have the
opposite efect.
89
FIGURE 61
FRAMEWORK FOR CLARIFYING
RELEVANCE OF ODA TO PVE
PVE-CONDUCIVE
Long-term benei
ts through oda in
reducing overall climate in which Ve flourishes
PVE-RELEVANT
adjusts oda interventions across key
sectors to ensure mutually reinforcing and
measurable development and PVe outcomes
Key axes of relevance are geography, beneiciary
selection and state/citizen relationships
P/CVE-SPECIFIC
disrupts recruitment/
rehabilitates former recruits
Figure 61 illustrates a framework for understanding the relationship
between ODA and PVE, highlighting the overall synergy between
development and PVE objectives across a range of sectors as
delivered in countries afected by or at-risk of violent extremism
(‘PVE-conducive’).
iii
It allows for concrete points of intersection
between development programmes and PVE objectives to be
identiied, related to context-speciic factors in key countries,
denoted in the ‘PVE-relevant’ category. And it also encourages
‘PVE-speciic’ (or CVE) programmes to accurately distinguish
whether they are seeking to inluence a generalized group of
‘at-risk’ individuals, or an even narrower set of interventions that
set out to work with actual recruits or former recruits.
Maximizing the opportunity inherent in ODA to make these
contributions requires a deep and localized grasp of the dynamics
shaping violent extremism in each context, including its political
economy and gender variables. The red arrows included in Figure 
61 indicate the primacy of ongoing assessment of the violent
extremism context that is required to inform this spectrum of
response.
iv
i
ii
iii
iv
Such interventions can also usefully be described as CVE.
Here, the ‘countering’ of CVE can become misleading, and ‘preventing’ is
more accurate.
This framework was developed as part of UNDP’s collaboration with the
Government of the Netherlands. UNDP (2017b).
The established conlict-sensitivity approach, adjusted to articulate PVE as
part of its framework, is a useful entry point into which more speciic issues
around the dynamics of violent extremism in diferent country contexts
can be built. The conlict-sensitivity approach also serves the purpose of
ensuring a process is in place for mitigating the risks of potential harmful
interactions between development programmes and violent extremism.
In certain settings, it may highlight that ‘labelling’ programmes or
components of programmes as PVE-relevant or -speciic should be avoided
due to political sensitivities and other factors.
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90
for violent extremism, confusion between these and
more immediate PVE goals should be avoided. The
argument for protecting development interventions in
at-risk environments, while at the same time expanding
PVE-speciic programming, is clear. Greater clarity
on understanding what this means for policy and
programming, such as that proposed in the box on the
previous page, needs to be articulated and internalized
across relevant government institutions, to inform and
shape more targeted programmatic responses.
II. Programming implications
The
Journey to Extremism
research points to the need for
enhanced development outcomes in at-risk areas as well
as dedicated interventions across the journey map itself,
seeking to disrupt and transform the incentive structure
that creates a ready supply of recruits for violent extremist
groups in Africa. Many of the intervention areas that are
suggested by this research are familiar to some degree.
However, a number of issues hampering impact of some
PVE programmes can also be observed and are hinted at
in the research.
First and foremost is the question of resourcing, with
interventions on the PVE side representing a small
fraction of overall response. Even here, overconcentration
on state-led interventions may hamper efectiveness.
While governments clearly have the central role to play in
responding to violent extremism, state leadership must
be balanced by the critical contributions of non-state
actors. The
Journey to Extremism
indings underscore
the strategic value of such re-balanced approaches and
delivery mechanisms both through exposure of the highly
localized nature of recruitment, which suggests that
remedies must also be locally driven, and in regard to the
low levels of citizen conidence in the state in precisely
the communities where PVE must focus.
Questions of how PVE programmes are branded and the
proile of implementing partners are directly highlighted
by the research, with voluntary group respondents
expressing an attitude of distrust on these points. Overly
branding PVE work as associated with international
institutions or foreign governments, and delivering
interventions through ‘messengers’ that operate primarily
outside of the context, may alienate target beneiciaries
and even put local partners at risk. Conlict-sensitivity
provides a useful tool for identifying how programmes
may be perceived and for ensuring that interventions do
not put such partners in harm’s way, among other factors.
Synergy and sequencing among interventions has been
lacking to date, underlining the importance of national
PVE planning and coordinated inputs across partners.
For instance, supporting amnesty programmes and
exit strategies for disillusioned recruits is critical, but
if there are no job opportunities for them to start the
process of rebuilding a civilian life, net results will be
at best tentative. The urgency of the challenge requires
all stakeholders to work collaboratively and to avoid
piecemeal approaches in the interests of transforming
the spectrum of micro-, meso- and macro-level factors
currently driving violent extremism in Africa. Further,
lexibility, risk-taking and responsiveness are critical
Coordinating national, regional and global policy
responses to violent extremism
Finally, it is also necessary that policy responses are
coordinated more efectively across the expanding
plethora of actors engaged in CT and PVE, with
appropriate roles and responsibilities deined and
distributed; a common understanding of drivers and
entry points for prevention and transformation debated
and established; and with shared commitment to mutual
peer review and constant improvement. At present, the
PVE space is crowded with players often working with
contrasting understanding of priorities. The 2015 United
Nations Plan of Action calls on each member state to
‘consider developing a national plan of action to prevent
violent extremism which sets national priorities for
addressing the local drivers of violent extremism and
complements national counter-terrorism strategies where
they already exist’.
It is recommended that such national planning processes
are inclusive, engaging a wide range of stakeholders,
including women and youth. National plans provide
a platform for convergence in understanding and
prioritization, as well as eicient distribution of resources
and capabilities across government agencies, international
and civil society partners.
72
Increasingly, there are also
moves to link national plans to the sub-regional level. This
responds to the invariably transboundary nature of violent
extremist group activity, with the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development (IGAD), for instance, recently
developing a sub-regional strategy on PVE, which will in
time be linked again to the continent level and the AU’s
own frameworks. International partners need to continue
to work to ind the most constructive mechanisms for
supporting national and regional actors in this domain,
also taking care to coordinate among themselves.
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elements of success, particularly for PVE-speciic
work, noting the extremely short timeframe for actual
recruitment that has been highlighted through this data.
Finally, it is now recognized that PVE programming has
tended until recently to be gender-blind. To date, it has
often overlooked the small but signiicant numbers of
female recruits to violent extremist groups (as relected
to some degree in the
Journey to Extremism
sample);
the wider gender dynamics and ideologies informing
recruitment and violent extremist group behaviour; and
the gendered impacts of PVE programmes themselves.
This remains a critical and underexplored dimension of
PVE that warrants closer attention going forward.
Following are entry points and recommendations for PVE
programming suggested by the research.
Religious ideologies
The research conirms the notion that religion is exploited
by violent extremist groups to justify resorting to violence,
becoming a focal point for a number of other grievances
and issues, with as many as 51 percent ofering religion
as a reason for joining. It also points to the importance of
appropriate strategies to engage with religious ideologies
constructively as part of CT and PVE interventions,
as well as to advance religious tolerance. Feeling that
religion is under threat is widespread across respondents,
including in the reference group, suggesting scope for
further expansion of violent extremism. Higher than
average years of religious schooling appear to have been
a source of resilience within the sample, with religious
literacy particularly low among the voluntary group.
Programming response areas include:
• Supporting and amplifying the voices of traditional
religious leaders who challenge misinterpretations of
Islam and preach religious tolerance and inter-faith
cohesiveness;
• Providing opportunities for religious leaders to
network and develop national and regional PVE
strategies of their own;
• Investing in the development of community-led
governance systems providing transparent and
accountable leadership of religious afairs. Such
systems should include mosque management,
development and dissemination of curricula by
religious preachers and
madrassas,
and engagement
with parents on teaching content;
• Capitalizing on the important role that religious
teaching can play as a source of resilience, supporting
increased religious literacy among at-risk groups.
91
Family circumstances, childhood happiness
and education
The
Journey to Extremism
research found that childhood
experiences correlate with future susceptibility to violent
extremist recruitment. These include overall place of
childhood, as well as perceptions of unhappiness and a
sense of reduced parental involvement during childhood;
and lower levels of even basic education among those who
went on to join violent extremist groups. Programming
response areas include:
• Supporting community-led outreach on good
parenting, domestic violence and providing child-
welfare services;
• Ensuring provision of education for all in at-risk
areas (SDG 4), together with social protection
interventions to ensure children’s sustained
attendance at school;
• Upgrading school curricula and teaching quality,
enabling the development of critical thinking, social
cohesion, peace education and civic engagement
values from childhood;
• Reducing the acute impoverishment, often relative
in national terms, of areas such as those where
the majority of the respondents grew up, with
dedicated catch-up development programmes
and commitments, and through accelerated and
purposeful implementation of the Sustainable
Development Agenda 2030.
Economic factors
Economic factors are a critical component of the overall
incentives and drivers leading to recruitment, with
‘employment’ the single most frequently cited immediate
need at the time of joining; frustration at economic
circumstances high among voluntary respondents; and
multidimensional poverty in at-risk regions deeper than
national averages. Programming response areas include:
• Investing in economic regeneration of at-risk
areas, upgrading infrastructure, access to markets
and inancial services, removing obstacles to
entrepreneurship, and prioritizing job-creation
opportunities;
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92
• Providing immediate as well as long-term livelihood
programmes and entrepreneurship training and
schemes for at-risk youth, integrating citizenship
values, life skills and social cohesion curricula to
programme design;
• Working with demobilized former recruits to
develop and communicate narratives designed to
disincentivize at-risk groups regarding the economic
opportunities of recruitment;
• Developing strategies that learn from the
challenges of past disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration (DDR) processes and successfully
provide economic incentives and alternatives
for violent extremist recruits – engaging wider
communities so as to avoid being seen as ‘rewarding’
those recruited.
The ‘tipping point’
Forty-eight percent of respondents joined in less than
a month from irst contact with the organization in
question, and 80 percent in less than a year. Seventy-one
percent took the inal decision in response to ‘government
action’, usually a traumatic event involving state security
forces. Despite the highly personal aspects of the journey
to extremism, social networks are inluential; the
community-based nature of recruitment in Africa, where
the Internet plays a less prominent role, suggests PVE
eforts must be equally localized. Programming response
areas include:
• Escalating implementation of security-sector reform
processes, tailored to the speciic challenges of
violent extremism, that are grounded in international
humanitarian law, standards and rights-based
approaches, integrating civic oversight and
conidence-building mechanisms;
• Supporting community-led mentoring and trauma-
counselling services;
• Implementation of counter-messaging programmes
that are highly contextualized in vernacular cultures,
emphasizing peer-group factors and inluences, and
delivered through DVDs, SMS, radio and community
centres, avoiding over-reliance on the Internet, and
giving priority to trusted local organizations as
‘messengers’;
• Scaling-up amnesty and other exit opportunities for
disillusioned recruits, investing in comprehensive
rehabilitation and reintegration services;
• Leveraging the perspectives and voices of former
recruits as conduits for counter-messaging.
State and citizenship
Respondents in the voluntary group expressed acute
lack of trust in government, particularly across security
agencies, but also in regard to other areas of service
delivery. Eighty-three percent agreed with the statement
‘government only looks after the interests of a few’.
Positive experiences of service delivery is, furthermore, a
source of resilience within the sample. Relative conidence
in democratic processes is a further distinction between
those who make the journey to extremism and those who
do not. Programming response areas include:
• Improving service delivery across the spectrum of
security and other basic services provided by the
state, integrating citizens’ oversight and engagement
as part of delivery;
• Amplifying the efectiveness of anti-corruption
campaigns with renewed emphasis on building
state-citizen conidence and accountability, ending
impunity for oicials;
• Deepening democratic institutions and processes,
and supporting related civic-education processes;
• Supporting initiatives to build national identities,
social cohesion and citizenship.
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ENDNOTES
Executive summary
1
Respondents were primarily former members of Al-Shabaab and
Boko Haram, followed by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant
(ISIL), with smaller numbers from Al-Mourabitoun, Movement for
the Unity and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), and Al-Qaida. They
were interviewed largely in prisons and detention centres in Kenya,
Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan, with smaller numbers in Cameroon
and Niger.
Introduction
2
2015 igures are the most recent that are available, published in the
2016
Global Terrorism Index.
IEP (2016).
Ibid.
African Union (2014).
UNDP (2015a) has classiied 13 countries facing diferent degrees
of threat from violent extremism in Africa: ‘epicentre countries’ –
Mali, Nigeria and Somalia; ‘spill-over countries’ – Cameroon, Chad,
Kenya, Mauritania and Niger; and ‘at-risk’ countries – the Central
African Republic, Sudan, United Republic of Tanzania and Uganda.
Boukhars (2015). See also Sharif and Richards (2016).
UNDP (2015b). The UNDP Africa PVE programme has also recently
launched a research facility and will be producing a series of in-
depth country and thematic studies in the coming months.
For continent-level perspectives, see Cilliers (2015), Busher (2014)
and Abdalla (2016).
UN (2015).
Global Counter-Terrorism Forum (2016).
‘Micro’ refers to personal motives and convictions, for instance,
negative experiences of exclusion, rejection, humiliation, injustice,
or frustration. ‘Meso’ refers to the social milieu of the violent
extremist, including community, and the social structures in which
he or she is engaged. ‘Macro’ level refers to structural drivers,
including: chronically unresolved political conlicts; the ‘collateral
damage’ to civilian lives and infrastructure caused by military
responses to terrorism; human rights violations; ethnic, national,
and religious discrimination; the political exclusion of ethnic or
religious groups; socio-economic marginalization; lack of good
governance; and a failure to integrate diaspora communities of
immigrants who move between cultures. Centre for Security
Studies (2015).
‘Push’ factors usually refer to locally informed structural drivers,
while ‘pull’ factors refer to proximate incentives leading to
recruitment and radicalization. USAID (2011). For a helpful summary
based on a review of recent literature on violent extremism, see
RUSI (2015).
Fink and Bhulai (2016). See also National Consortium for the Study
of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (2016) and Borum (2014).
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
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One recent review of a sample of 3,000 representative studies
extracted from the overall literature on terrorism and violent
extremism found that studies on the Middle East and Europe as
compared to other regions of the world, including Africa, were
signiicantly over-represented. Douglas and Rondeaux (2017).
Holmer (2013).
For further detail on the methodology used both to gather
the data and to analyze and interpret it, refer to Annex 1. The
political socialization approach and overall
Journey to Extremism
questionnaire drew conceptually on a PhD study conducted by Dr.
Anneli Botha at the University of the Free State, South Africa, into
radicalization in Kenya and Uganda. Botha (2014).
Dawson and Prewitt (1969: 17).
Botha (2014). Ultimately, the political self is made, not born,
to include ‘feelings of nationalism, patriotism, or tribal loyalty;
identiication with particular partisan factions or groups; attitudes
and evaluations of speciic political issues and personalities;
knowledge regarding political structures and procedures; and a
self-image of rights, responsibilities, and position in the political
world’. Dawson and Prewitt (1969:18).
The reference group is entirely made up of respondents from
Kenya, Nigeria and Somalia. Given limited access to the primary
group and the resulting small sample size in Cameroon and
Niger, reference group data in these countries was not collected.
Reference group data was also not collected for Sudan due to
restrictions faced by the research team.
30
31
Botha, A. (2014: 12).
For probability estimates reported in this report, irst diference
probabilities are calculated by holding all other variables median
or mode. They represent punctual estimations at 95 percent
conidence unless otherwise stated.
Ghosh et al. (2016).
RUSI’s literature review testing diferent hypotheses concludes that
‘education has a minor and/or largely unsubstantiated inluence’.
RUSI (2015).
The number of years of secular education was not used in the
econometric analysis given a high non-response rate, which
signiicantly reduced the number of observations and led to an
accurate prediction of success/failure.
CGCC and Hedayah (2013) and Ghosh et al. (2016).
These indings are corroborated by another recent study
reviewed for this report undertaken by the CLEEN Foundation
in partnership with USIP exploring why young people join Boko
Haram that entailed over 100 interviews, which ofered a strong
conclusion that, in the view of those interviewed, children with
diicult upbringings are more vulnerable to extremist views. See
Ohuoah (2014).
95
15
16
32
33
34
17
18
35
36
19
Chapter 2: Religious ideologies
37
RUSI (2015). Ethnic identity can play a similar function and has been
found to do so in some but not all violent extremist settings in
Africa. See ISS (2014).
It must be noted that the tendency for discussions on terrorism
and violent extremism to focus on radical Islamist groups can
be problematic, in some cases reinforcing dynamics of alienation
as well as competing global great-power narratives. Right-wing
hate groups with violent extremist agendas are on the rise across
Europe and the United States of America; other religiously inspired
violent extremism are also observable in diferent contexts.
While country variations in regard to attitudes about treatment
of people of diferent religions were clear, relecting the diferent
demographic structures and higher levels of multiculturalism
in Kenya and Nigeria, these do not positively correlate with
the experience of coming into contact with people from other
religions. Kenyan respondents, who have had the highest
experience of mixing with people with other religions, appear to
feel the most strongly about inequality between religions, after
Sudanese. This may be particular to the Kenyan experience, where
religious identity is accompanied with stark variations in socio-
economic position.
While cautioning against essentializing perspectives on women
during violent conlict that assume an innately peaceful outlook,
and recognizing at-times direct participation either in perpetrating
terrorist acts or otherwise enabling and facilitating violent
extremism, it is also recognized that women can and often do play
a critical role at the fore of peacebuilding.
As also the case with childhood happiness, the religious tolerance
variable loses its predictive and statistical signiicance when
variables related to religion are exchanged for trust in election
variables in Model 1.2. It could again be a result of collinearity
between religious tolerance and the religion related variables
added in Model 1.2.
The variable is statistically signiicant in all but one of the 11
speciications of Models 1.1 and 1.2, including when used as a
treatment.
Bergen and Pandey (2006).
RUSI (2015) and Ghosh et al. (2016).
Demographic profile of research sample
20
38
There remains some ambiguity in distinguishing between
categories of respondents, noting pressures to join that may arise
in areas under territorial control of a violent extremist group, for
instance. Respondents’ own self-categorization was taken as the
basis for analysis throughout.
Noting the distinction between country where interview took
place and nationality of respondent, Figure 14 in Chapter 1 provides
further information on place of childhood of individuals taking
part in the survey.
The sample included one forced individual associated with Al-
Shabaab, but this does not show in the igure due to rounding of.
An overview is provided in Chowdhury Fink, N., Zeiger and Bhulai,
eds. (2016).
UN Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015), available at
http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-
4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2242.pdf, was also predated
by references to women’s participation in CT in United Nations
Security Council Resolutions 2178 (2014) and 2129 (2013).
39
21
22
23
24
40
Chapter 1: Family circumstances, childhood and
education
25
A minority of respondents in the voluntary group were interviewed
in capital cities as shown. Urbanization in Africa is driven by
vulnerability in rural and periphery areas. Widening inequality
within cities has led to an evolving policy discourse identifying
‘pockets of fragility’ within otherwise more developed contexts.
OECD (2013).
Save the Children (2012).
See Victorof (2005).
RUSI (2015: 18).
Victorof, J. (2005: 7).
41
26
27
28
29
42
43
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Chapter 3: Economic factors
45
46
47
Implications for policy and programming
67
68
UNDP (2013).
Ohuoah (2014).
Africa is described in the most recent report of the Inter-
Governmental Panel on Climate Change to be one of the regions
likely to be most afected. See https://ourworld.unu.edu/en/
africa-and-climate-change.
Collier (2000).
Anecdotal evidence gathered during the research seems to
indicate that non-payment relates to periods of reduced cash
low on the part of diferent violent extremist groups, rather
than deliberate strategy. It also suggests that, at least in Somalia,
mobile phones are frequently used to transfer payments, which
are structured to relect individual recruits’ level of family
responsibilities as well as rank.
UNDP (2017: 163).
At the continent level, irst steps were taken as far back as
1992 by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to strengthen
cooperation and coordination among African states on CT,
with the OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of
Terrorism entering into force in 2002, followed by the AU Plan
of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. The
AU established the African Centre for the Study and Research
of Terrorism in 2004 based in Algiers and appointed a Special
Representative for Counter-Terrorism who has been active since
2010. Activity has intensiied in recent years, with the AU Peace
and Security Council (PSC) adopting a communique at its 455
th
meeting on the preventing and combating of terrorism and violent
extremism in Africa. Also established were regular coordination
mechanisms among heads of intelligence from across Africa.
In 2015, the PSC authorized a Multinational Joint Task Force
(MJTF) to ight Boko Haram made up of troop contingents from
Benin, Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. The MJTF has been
matched by sub-regional initiatives such as the joint military force
composed of ive West Africa countries known as the G-5 Sahel.
See Sharif and Richards (2016).
Many experts concur that military operations can only hope to
curb some of the outward expressions of violent extremism, but,
as stated in the 2015 United Nations Plan of Action, ‘will not be
able to address the endemic levels of poverty and marginalization,
lack of governance, corruption and instability driving it, and
increasing its appeal. On the contrary, military campaigns, when
not conducted sensitively, can bolster extremist narratives […]’.
See also Afzal (2013) and Phillips (2013).
See Sustainable Development Goal 16,
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdg16.
Kessels and Nemr (2016). The OECD Development Assistance
Committee (DAC) has revised reporting directives for ODA in the
ield of peace and security to include speciic guidance on activities
to prevent violent extremism. OECD (2016). The EU has also
undertaken a number of initiatives.
See International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 12 Principles for
National Action Planning, at https://icct.nl/update/12-principles-for-
national-action-planning.
48
49
Chapter 4: State and citizenship
50
51
52
53
Gelfand et. al. (2013).
World Bank (2011).
RUSI (2015: 22).
Many accounts of violent extremism proceed to demonstrate
how violent extremist groups may step in as alternative service
providers in such contexts. While this is known to be occurring in
Africa, as elsewhere, it did not emerge sharply through the
Journey
to Extremism
study.
This trend has been extensively documented by rights groups
monitoring speciic country contexts, as well as civil society
umbrella organizations monitoring global trends afecting civil
society such as CIVICUS (2016). See also CGCC (2008).
Van Ginkel (2012), CT MORSE (2016) and Ohuoah (2014).
Cilliers (2015).
IEP (2017).
Ali-Koor (2016).
72
69
54
70
71
55
56
57
58
59
Reference group respondents were not asked to rate their level of
trust in community and religious leaders.
Chapter 5: The ‘tipping point’ and recruitment process
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
Botha (2014: 16).
McCormick (2003).
Borum (2014).
McCauley and Moskalenko (2008).
Moghaddom (2005).
Wilner and Dubouloz (2011:420).
In fact, in Africa’s case, other studies suggest that recruitment
material relies more on tapes and DVDs of radical preachers that
are circulated within communities, rather than over the Internet.
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ANNEX 1:
OVERVIEW OF THE ECONOMETRIC ANALYSIS
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Approach
The econometric analysis of the
Journey to Extremism
database was divided into three parts, each exploring a
diferent moment in the journey to and from becoming a
member of a violent extremist group.
The descriptive analysis made evident the uneven
distribution of relevant variables between groups, so a
coarsened exact matching (CEM) was run before every
regression (Blackwell, 2009). CEM matching gives
diferent importance and weights to diferent observations
to improve the balance of the distribution of variables
that can modify the efect of the treatment on the treated.
After CEM, the treatment and the treated groups would
be comparable on levels of the balancing variables. The
weights produced from CEM matching were then used to
run weighted logistic regressions. (This same procedure
was replicated for each of the ive models.)
Models 1.1 and 1.2 explore the systematic diferences
between voluntary group respondents and others in the
survey sample. Due to the pattern of missing data and to
avoid an extremely small sample and biased estimators,
Model 1.1 includes questions pertaining to elections, while
Model 1.2 contains questions pertaining to the study of the
Quran and Tafsir.
Models 2.1 and 2.2 explore the path of the voluntary
group towards extremism and included regressions with
two diferent dependent variables. The irst dependent
is a dummy coded 1 for respondents who joined the
organization within a month of introduction, and 0 if it
took them longer than a month. The second dependent is a
dummy coded 1 for those who joined with friends and 0 for
those who did not (they include people who joined alone,
with strangers or with family members). Models 2.1 and
2.2 explored what makes someone join suddenly, as well as
the social structures that encouraged or discouraged them
to join.
Model 3 was intended to explain the path towards
demobilization. It used a dummy coded 1 if the respondent
had surrendered or applied for amnesty at the time of
responding to the survey, and 0 if he or she had any other
status in the organization – as a dependent variable. It
was intended to help explain what circumstances, events,
reasons for joining and which personal characteristics are
related with the decision of leaving a particular violent
extremist group.
Details on each of the models speciied follow.
Model 1.1 and Model 1.2:
Journey to recruitment
Model 1.1 explored factors that increased or decreased
the likelihood of being a member of an extremist
organization, within the sample. The sample included the
reference group and voluntary group respondents from the
main dataset. The dependent variable was coded 1 if the
respondent was a voluntary member and 0 if a reference
respondent.
Three variables were selected as the balancing variables,
and six diferent variables were used as treatments to
better gauge their individual efect on the dependent
variable. The balancing variables were as follows:
‘willingness to die for your religion’; ‘willingness to
die for your ethnic group’; and a dummy coded 1 if the
respondent’s father had more than one wife growing up.
The irst two variables can be seen as being proxies for
endogenous values and characteristics of the individual,
which could modify and alter the efect of any treatment
on the treated. The second responds to the need to
balance experience during upbringing, which may also
inluence the efect of the treatment.
The treatment variables are as follows:
1) Happy childhood – coded 1 if the respondent
rated their happiness during childhood as 7
or greater, 0 if not;
2) Religious education – coded 1 if respondent
reported having had at least 6 years of religious
education, 0 if less or none at all;
3) Prospects – coded 1 if respondent said they
were studying or working before joining an
extremist organization, or, in the case of reference
respondents, if they reported to be studying
or working at the time of interview. Coded 0 if
respondent reported being unemployed;
4) Married – coded 1 if married at the time of joining
the organization (or at time of interview), 0 if
divorced or single;
5) Third Quran – coded 1 if respondent reported
knowing a third of the chapters in the Quran
or more, 0 if they knew less or none at all;
6) National anthem – coded 1 if respondent sang the
national anthem growing up, 0 if they didn’t.
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102
Each of the six variables listed above was used as
treatment, one at a time. They were also used as individual
covariates when not used as treatment. The additional
covariates used for the regression were as follows:
1) Age of respondent, divided into seven groups,
from 11 to 68 years;
2) Respondent’s rating of government provision
of education, coded 1 if either ‘Excellent’ or
‘Improving’, and 0 if other;
3) Respondent’s rating of government provision
of healthcare, coded 1 if either ‘Excellent’ or
‘Improving’, and 0 if other;
4) ‘People belonging to diferent religions should be
treated equally?’, coded 1 if answer was airmative,
0 if other;
5) ‘Have you studied the interpretation (Tafsir) of the
Holy Quran?’, coded 1 if answer was airmative,
0 if other;
6) ‘Studied Tafsir * Third of Quran’ – an interactive
variable which takes on the value of 1 if respondent
studied the Tafsir and has memorized at least one
third of the Quran, and 0 if otherwise;
7) ‘Ever vote in elections?’, coded 1 if respondent
answered ‘yes’, and 0 if not;
8) ‘Elections could bring change?’, coded 1 if
respondent answered ‘yes’, and 0 if not;
9) ‘Ever voted * elections can produce change’ – an
interactive variable which takes on the value of
1 if respondent voted in elections and believed
elections could bring change, and 0 otherwise.
Given the pattern of missing data, the election variables
(in Model 1.1) had to be separated from the Quran and
Tafsir (included in Model 1.2) variables in order to avoid
producing biased estimators. Hence, each treatment was
used twice, one with a speciication that included election
variables and once with one that included religious
variables; except for when Third Quran was used as the
treatment, where the speciication with election variables
was omitted.
Fixed efects by country where the interview was
conducted were used, but the Sudan dummy was dropped
because of the excessive number of missing values on
relevant variables. The baseline for comparison was
Somalia.
Model 2.1 and Model 2.2:
Recruitment strategy
Model 2 focused solely on the voluntary group of
respondents, exploring their path towards actual
recruitment. In Model 2.1, the dependent variable was
coded 1 if the individual joined within one month of
introduction to the organization, and 0 if it took them
longer. In Model 2.2, the dependent variable is another
dummy coded 1 for those who joined with friends, and 0
for those who did not with friends.
Both the treatment and the variables used for balancing
the treated and non-treated groups changed. The
balancing variables were three dummies, the irst coded
1 if the respondent had friends from diferent ethnicities
growing up, 0 if not; the second was knowledge of at
least a third of the Quran; and for the variable, prospects,
which was coded 1 if respondent studied or worked before
joining, and 0 otherwise. These variables were selected to
balance life experiences and knowledge that could modify
the efect of the treatment on the treated.
Eight variables were used as treatment twice, once against
the dependent variable in Model 2.1 and once against that
in Model 2.2.
1) Discussed politics with family while growing up?
Coded 1 if respondent said yes, 0 otherwise;
2) Speciic killing of family member identiied as inal
motivation to join the organization? – coded 1 if
respondent said that one such event was the inal
event that motivated them to join, and 0 if other;
3) Prospects – coded 1 if respondent said they were
studying or working before joining an extremist,
organization and 0 if unemployed;
4) Religious education – coded 1 if respondent
reported having had at least six years of religious
education, 0 if less or none at all;
5) Position: Intelligence – coded 1 if respondent
described there position inside the organization as
‘Intelligence’, 0 if other;
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6) Awareness of prevention initiatives – coded 1 if
respondent was aware of initiatives to prevent
people from joining, 0 if they were not;
7) Hope or excitement – coded 1 if respondent
identiied ‘hope’ or ‘excitement’ as the emotion
that best captured decision to join, and 0 if other;
8) Fear – coded 1 if respondent identiied ‘fear’ as the
emotion that best captured decision to join, and
0 if other.
The additional covariates used in the regressions are as
follows:
1) Age at which respondent became aware that they
should join the organization;
2) Married – coded 1 if married, and 0 if divorced
or single;
3) Speciic government action identiied as inal
motivation to join the organization? – coded 1 if
respondent said that one such event was the inal
reason they joined, 0 if any other reason;
4) Position: Fighter– coded 1 if respondent described
their position in the organization as ‘Fighter’,
0 if other;
5) Hate – coded 1 if respondent identiied ‘hate’ as
the emotion that best captured decision to join,
and 0 if other.
Fixed efects by organization were used against the irst
dependent variable. The baseline for comparison was
Al-Shabaab.
1) Period between introduction and joining the
organization – coded 1 if less than one month, and
0 if longer;
2) Joined the organization with friends, 1 if yes,
0 if otherwise;
3) Speciic government action identiied as inal
motivation to join the organization? – coded 1 if
respondent said that one such event was the inal
reason they joined, 0 if any other reason;
4) Position: Fighter– coded 1 if respondent described
their position in the organization as ‘Fighter’,
0 if any other position.
The additional covariates used for the regressions include:
1) Age at which they became aware that they should
join the organization, ive age groups ranging from
10-15 to 36-39;
2) Position: Taxes – coded 1 if respondent described
their position in the organization as ‘Collect Taxes’,
0 if other;
3) Marital status – coded 1 if respondent was married
and 0 if single or divorced;
4) Reason for joining – coded 1 if respondent
identiied ‘religion’ as a reason they joined the
organization, and 0 if other;
5) Religious education – coded 1 if respondent
reported having had at least 6 years of religious
education, 0 if less or none at all;
6) Awareness of preventive initiatives – coded 1 if
respondent was aware of initiatives to prevent
people from joining, 0 if not;
7) Position: Intelligence – coded 1 if respondent
described their position in the organization as
‘Intelligence’, 0 if other;
8) Hate – coded 1 if respondent identiied ‘hate’ as
the emotion that best captured decision to join,
and 0 if other;
9) Fear – coded 1 if respondent identiied ‘fear’ as
the emotion that best captured decision to join,
and 0 if other.
Fixed efects by organization were used. The baseline or
comparison was Al-Shabaab.
103
Model 3: Path to demobilization
Model 3 intends to explain the path towards demob-
ilization; it uses a dummy, coded 1 if the respondent
reported to have surrendered or applied for amnesty, and
0 if they had any other status in the organization, as a
dependent variable. Only respondents from the primary
sample were included.
The variables used to balance the groups were being
married, awareness of initiatives to prevent people from
joining, and identifying religion as a reason for joining.
The balance variables were chosen because they can
modify the efect of the treatment on the likelihood that
someone decides to surrender or apply for amnesty. Four
variables were used as treatment:
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104
Results
The results of these models were transformed into
irst diferences to make the interpretation easier. First
diferences show the change in the probability that the
dependent variable will be a success (or a 1) when an
independent variable changes from its minimum to its
maximum value, everything else held constant at its
median or mode. They are, then, regular probabilities
and can be interpreted as such. All the econometric graphs
are irst diferences.
The interpretation of the graphed results is
straightforward: the number plotted represents the
estimation of the probability change, it includes a line
representing the interval of 95 percent conidence. If the
probability is positive, it means that a change from the
minimum to the maximum of that variable increases
the chances of the dependent variable being 1 by the
probability plotted; if it is negative, it means it decreases
the chances of the dependent variable being 1 by that
percentage. If the conidence interval crosses 0 it means
that variable has no statistically signiicant efect on the
probability of the dependent variable being 1.
ECONOMETRIC MODELS
MODEL 1.1
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: 1 = RESPONDENT VOLUNTARY MEMBER; 0 = RESPONDENT FROM REFERENCE GROUP
TREATMENT
VARIABLES
Childhood happiness rating >=7
Attended religious schooling >= 6 years
Did your father have more than one wife (your mother) growing up?
Government’s success in providing healthcare is ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s success in providing education is ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Married
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Either employed or studying
Believes people belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Age of respondent
Country of interview = Nigeria
Country of interview = Kenya
Ever vote in elections?
Believe elections could bring change
Ever vote in elections?*Believe elections could bring change
Constant
Observations
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Happy
childhood
-0.743**
-0.469
0.454
0.259
-1.027**
0.167
-1.236***
-0.786**
-1.066***
0.362**
-1.388**
0.118
-0.235
-1.997***
0.582
3.256***
283
Religious
education
-1.213***
-0.909**
-0.231
-0.205
-0.479
0.0452
0.0506
-1.349***
-1.767***
0.433**
-2.149***
-0.448
0.0401
-1.995***
0.626
4.410***
280
Prospects
-0.896**
-0.914**
0.581
0.332
-1.233**
0.0447
-1.070**
-0.624*
-1.080***
0.511***
-1.711***
0.331
0.0592
-1.931***
0.625
2.911***
284
Married
-1.059***
-0.750*
-0.129
0.0870
-1.123*
0.114
-0.768
-0.780**
-1.402***
0.436**
-1.951***
0.0348
-0.266
-1.921***
1.075
3.975***
278
National
anthem
-1.065***
-0.735*
0.467
0.566
-1.513***
0.109
-1.529***
-0.650
-1.223***
0.524***
-1.613**
0.470
-0.0736
-2.112***
0.697
3.506***
274
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MODEL 1.2
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: 1 = RESPONDENT VOLUNTARY MEMBER; 0 = RESPONDENT FROM REFERENCE GROUP
TREATMENT
Happy
childhood
-0.0833
-1.470***
0.185
0.472
-0.0771
0.281
-1.429***
0.867**
1.416*
-0.570
-1.227***
-0.0924
0.0847
-2.030***
0.623
2.175***
240
Religious
education
-0.280
-1.397***
-0.0887
-0.633
0.262
-0.560
-0.738*
0.957**
1.849**
-0.937
-1.780***
-0.467
0.276*
-2.180***
0.585
2.358***
237
Memorized
at least a
third of the
Quran
-0.646
-1.395***
-0.884*
0.877
-1.499**
0.240
-1.738***
0.834*
0.867
-0.0525
-0.690
0.193
0.371*
-2.085**
1.202
2.628***
215
105
VARIABLES
Childhood happiness rating >=7
Attended religious schooling >= 6 years
Did your father have more than one wife (your mother) growing up?
Government’s success in providing healthcare is ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s success in providing education is ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Married
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Have you studied the interpretation (Tafsir) of the Holy Quran?
Memorized at least a third of the chapters in the Holy Quran?
Has studied the Tafsir * Has memorized at least a third of the Holy Quran
Either employed or studying
Believes people belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Age of respondent
Country of interview = Nigeria
Country of interview = Kenya
Constant
Observations
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Prospects
-0.410
-1.459***
0.243
0.569
-0.628
-0.101
-1.483***
0.756**
1.578**
-0.646
-1.013***
-0.00935
0.217
-2.150***
0.845
2.068***
241
Married
-0.608*
-1.411***
-0.283
0.866
-0.869
-0.594
-1.303***
0.879**
0.913
-0.757
-0.884**
-0.0346
0.369**
-1.955***
0.627
2.268***
235
National
anthem
-0.422
-1.280***
0.244
0.690
-1.033*
-0.446
-1.694***
0.771**
1.049
-0.448
-1.241***
0.221
0.258
-2.252***
0.626
2.379***
237
MODEL 2.1
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: 1 = INDIVIDUAL JOINED ThE ORGANIzATION IN ONE MONTh OR LESS; 0 = INDIVIDUAL TOOK LONGER ThAN ONE MONTh TO JOIN ThE ORGANIzATION
TREATMENT
VARIABLES
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
Married
Either employed or studying
Age when individual decided to join
Identiied speciic other government action as motivation to join
Identiied speciic killing of family as motivation to join
Attended religious schooling >= 6 years
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Position = Fighter
Position = Intelligence
Memorized at least a third of the chapters in the Holy Quran?
Emotion when joining = Fear
Emotion when joining = Hope or excitement
Emotion when joining = Hate
Organization = Boko Haram
Constant
Discussed
politics
with
family
while
growing
up?
-0.145
0.554
0.290
-1.053**
-0.881*
0.654
-1.132*
-1.292**
0.344
1.643**
0.467
-0.0601
0.199
0.0582
0.728
1.865
(1.225)
124
Killing of
family
member
as final
motivation
to join the
organization Prospects
-0.0760
-0.0178
-0.0536
-0.947**
-0.505
0.847
-1.333**
-1.236**
0.890
1.644**
-0.0187
-0.275
0.606
-0.106
1.716
1.070
(1.283)
128
-0.294
-0.00574
-0.211
-1.034***
-0.465
0.906*
-1.236**
-1.191**
0.883
1.443**
-0.395
-0.973
0.203
-0.682
2.682**
2.051*
(1.199)
132
Religious
education
-0.638
0.617
0.450
-0.436
-0.827
1.177*
-1.508**
-1.449**
-0.336
2.019***
-0.413
-0.233
0.509
-0.532
0.249
1.791
(1.423)
132
Position
Intelli-
gence
-0.0328
-0.443
0.0742
-0.834**
-0.401
0.529
-1.849***
-1.378***
1.379**
1.232**
-0.267
-1.695**
-0.200
-0.617
2.326*
1.647
(1.109)
131
Aware of
initiatives
to prevent
people
from
joining
-0.272
0.213
-0.218
-0.905**
-0.649
0.984*
-1.082
-1.195**
0.793
1.734**
-0.0519
-0.436
0.492
-0.541
1.784
1.531
(1.264)
131
Hope or
excite-
ment
-0.256
-0.359
0.0442
-0.992***
-0.455
0.532
-1.765***
-1.254**
0.952*
1.355**
-0.615
-1.546**
-0.138
-0.745
2.739**
2.289**
(1.090)
131
Fear
-0.226
-0.0923
0.191
-0.847**
-0.649
0.886
-1.662**
-1.074**
0.642
1.324**
-0.409
-0.890
0.0638
-0.324
1.898
1.838
(1.226)
131
Observations
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0118.png
106
MODEL 2.2
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: 1 =INDIVIDUAL JOINED WITh FRIENDS; 0 = INDIVIDUAL DID NOT JOIN WITh FRIENDS
TREATMENT
Discussed
politics
with
family
while
growing
up?
Killing of
family
member
as final
motivation
to join the
organization Prospects
0.259
-0.368
0.827
0.0828
1.120*
1.067*
-1.133*
0.874*
1.521**
-2.078***
-0.982
-0.499
-1.064*
-3.715***
-1.887
(1.202)
128
0.707
-0.188
1.059**
0.0396
0.713
0.455
-1.339**
0.924*
1.251**
-2.026***
-0.110
0.00669
-0.759
-3.267***
-2.374**
(1.079)
132
VARIABLES
Religious
education
0.844
-0.195
1.495***
-0.0975
0.737
1.452**
-1.493**
1.269**
0.592
-2.455***
-0.103
-0.179
-0.323
-3.837**
-2.432*
(1.305)
132
Position
Intelli-
gence
0.598
0.638
0.798*
-0.324
1.071**
0.520
-0.825
1.061**
1.337***
-2.127***
-0.206
0.341
-0.705
-2.795***
-2.014**
(0.955)
131
Aware of
initiatives
to prevent
people
from
joining
0.626
-0.0970
0.986*
0.0144
0.737
0.654
-1.373**
1.014*
1.319**
-2.157***
-0.397
-0.186
-0.873
-3.609***
-2.203*
(1.178)
131
Hope or
excite-
ment
0.790
0.0620
0.786*
-0.167
1.065**
0.852*
-1.009*
1.005**
1.456***
-2.171***
0.129
0.120
-0.763
-3.550***
-2.436**
(0.986)
131
Fear
0.598
0.160
0.715
-0.193
0.793
0.866
-1.084*
0.931*
1.126**
-2.069***
-0.266
-0.175
-0.650
-3.312***
-1.731
(1.079)
131
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
1.049*
Married
0.201
Either employed or studying
0.713
Age when individual decided to join
-0.428
Identiied speciic other government action as motivation to join
1.151**
Identiied speciic killing of family as motivation to join
1.191**
Attended religious schooling >= 6 years
-1.635**
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining? 1.167**
Position = Fighter
1.429**
Position = Intelligence
-2.645***
Knows at least a third of the chapters in the Holy Quran?
-0.367
Emotion when joining = Fear
-0.873
Emotion when joining = Hope or excitement
-0.804
Emotion when joining = Hate
-3.314***
Constant
-2.007*
(1.151)
Observations
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
124
MODEL 3
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: 1 = INDIVIDUAL SURRENDERED OR APPLIED FOR AMNESTY; 0 = OThER CURRENT STATUS
TREATMENT
Period between
introduction
and joining the
organization
0.973
0.513
1.273***
-0.142
1.428*
1.919***
-1.728***
1.114*
-1.611*
0.302
-0.941
3.325**
0.0801
-3.337*
0.0647
-5.823***
(1.359)
Observations
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
207
Specific other
government
action as final
motivation to join
the organization Position = Fighter
0.368
1.127*
-0.198
0.705
0.436
1.426**
-0.316
-0.254
-0.0616
-0.266
-0.189
2.433**
-0.183
-1.329
0.668
-2.557***
(0.963)
206
0.412
0.801
0.750**
0.0125
1.584**
1.471**
-1.269**
0.337
-0.824
-0.0940
-0.408
3.222***
-0.0717
-2.741*
-0.736
-3.989***
(1.060)
207
VARIABLES
Time between introduction and joining <= 1 month
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Age when individual decided to join
Married
Emotion when joining = Fear
Emotion when joining = Hate
Joined with a friend
Identiied speciic other government action as motivation to join
Attended religious schooling >= 6 years
Position = Fighter
Position = Intelligence
Position = Tax collector
Joined for religion
Organization = Boko Haram
Organization = MRC
Constant
Joined
with friends
0.887
0.820
1.122***
-0.0797
1.096
2.281***
-1.534**
0.485
-1.484*
0.558
-0.544
2.326*
-0.248
-2.892**
-0.493
-5.489***
(1.169)
207
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1815539_0119.png
FIRST DIFFERENCES GRAPHS FROM ECONOMETRIC MODELS
MODEL1.1
TREATMENT: ChILDhOOD hAPPINESS RATING >=7
MODEL1.1
TREATMENT: RELIGIOUS EDUCATION >=6 YEARS
107
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Ever voted? * Elections can produce change
Elections could bring change?
Ever voted in elections?
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Age of respondent
MODEL1.1
TREATMENT: STUDYING OR WORKING BEFORE
JOINING OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
MODEL1.1
TREATMENT: MARRIED
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Ever voted? * Elections can produce change
Elections could bring change?
Ever voted in elections?
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Age of respondent
MODEL1.1
TREATMENT: SANG ThE NATIONAL ANThEM WhILE GROWING UP
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Ever voted? * Elections can produce change
Elections could bring change?
Ever voted in elections?
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Age of respondent
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0120.png
108
MODEL1.2
TREATMENT: ChILDhOOD hAPPINESS RATING >=7
MODEL1.2
TREATMENT: RELIGIOUS EDUCATION >=6 YEARS
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Studied Tafsir* Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
have you studied the interpretation (Tafsir) of the holy Quran?
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem
Age of respondent
MODEL1.2
TREATMENT: STUDYING OR WORKING
BEFORE JOINING OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
MODEL1.2
TREATMENT: MARRIED
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Studied Tafsir* Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
have you studied the interpretation (Tafsir) of the holy Quran?
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem
Age of respondent
MODEL1.2
TREATMENT: hAS MEMORIzED AT LEAST
ONE ThIRD OF ThE QURAN
MODEL 1.2
TREATMENT: SANG ThE NATIONAL ANThEM WhILE GROWING UP
Rating of 7 or more in happiness as a child
Father had more than one wife
Married?
Studied Tafsir* Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
have you studied the interpretation (Tafsir) of the holy Quran?
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
People belonging to diferent religions should be treated equally
Government’s provision of healthcare is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Government’s provision of education is either ‘Excellent’ / ‘Improving’
Studying or working
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
As a child - did you sing the national anthem?
Age of respondent
UND P 2017
| JOURN EY TO EX T REMISM IN A FRIC A
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0121.png
109
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: DISCUSSED POLITICS WITh FAMILY
WhILE GROWING UP
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: KILLING OF FAMILY MEMBER IDENTIFIED AS
FINAL MOTIVATION TO JOIN ORGANIzATION
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
Describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
Describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic
killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: STUDYING OR WORKING
BEFORE JOINING OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: RELIGIOUS EDUCATION >=6 YEARS
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: POSITION = INTELLIGENCE
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: AWARE OF INITIATIVES TO PREVENT
PEOPLE FROM JOINING EXTREMIST ORGANIzATION
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0122.png
110
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: hOPE OR EXCITEMENT BEST
CAPTURES EMOTION WhEN JOINING
MODEL 2.1
TREATMENT: FEAR BEST CAPTURES EMOTION WhEN JOINING
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
Describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
Describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic
killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 2.2
TREATMENT: DISCUSSED POLITICS WITh FAMILY
WhILE GROWING UP
MODEL 2.2
TREATMENT: KILLING OF FAMILY MEMBER IDENTIFIED
AS FINAL MOTIVATION TO JOIN ORGANIzATION
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 2.2
TREATMENT: STUDYING OR WORKING BEFORE
JOINING OR AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
MODEL 2.2
TREATMENT: RELIGIOUS EDUCATION >=6 YEARS
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
UND P 2017
| JOURN EY TO EX T REMISM IN A FRIC A
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0123.png
111
MODEL 2.2
treatment: PoSItIon = IntellIGence
MODEL 2.2
treatment: aWare oF InItIatIVeS to PreVent
PeoPle From JoInInG eXtremISt orGanIzatIon
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
Memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
Describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
Describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic
killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 2.2
treatment: hoPe or eXcItement BeSt
caPtUreS emotIon When JoInInG
MODEL 2.2
treatment: Fear BeSt caPtUreS emotIon When JoInInG
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
hope or excitement is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
memorized at least a third of the holy Quran
describe position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
describe position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Speciic killing of family member that motivated you to join the organization?
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
Studying or working
married?
Growing up, did your family discuss politics?
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 3
treatment: PerIod BetWeen KnoWInG and
JoInInG the orGanIzatIon <= 1 month
MODEL 3
treatment: JoIned the orGanIzatIon WIth FrIendS
Joined the organization with friends
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
described position in organization as ‘tax collector’
described position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
described position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Where you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Identiied religion as a reason for joining
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
married?
Period between introduction and joining the organization <=month
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0124.png
112
MODEL 3
TREATMENT: GOVERNMENT ACTION IDENTIFIED
AS FINAL MOTIVATION TO JOIN ORGANIzATION
Joined the organization with friends
hate is emotion that best captures decision to join
Fear is emotion that best captures decision to join
Described position in organization as ‘Tax collector’
Described position in organization as ‘Intelligence’
Described position in organization as ‘Fighter’
Were you aware of any initiatives to prevent people from joining?
Received at least 6 years of religious schooling
Identiied
religion as a reason for joining
Speciic other government action that motivated you to join the organization?
married?
Period between introduction and joining the organization <=month
at what age did you become aware that you should participate in the organization?
MODEL 3
TREATMENT: POSITION = FIGhTER
UND P 2017
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113
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0127.png
 URU, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 40: Fotoudstilling og rapport om ofrene for voldelig ekstremisme i Afrika
1815539_0128.png
REGIONAL BUREAU FOR AFRICA