Energi- Forsynings- og Klimaudvalget 2017-18
EFK Alm.del Bilag 108
Offentligt
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Clever
climate
legislation
A hands-on guide for
parliamentarians to achieve
the Paris Agreement
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Clever climate legislation
A hands-on guide for parliamentarians to achieve the Paris Agreement
Steen Gade
ANP 2017:765
ISBN 978-92-893-5235-2 (PRINT)
ISBN 978-92-893-5236-9 (PDF)
ISBN 978-92-893-5237-6 (EPUB)
dx.doi.org/10.6027/ANP2017-765
© Nordic Council 2017
Layout: Essensen
Cover Photo: Unsplash
Print: Hillerød Grafisk
Printed in Denmark
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Clever
climate
legislation
A hands-on guide for
parliamentarians to achieve
the Paris Agreement
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EFK, Alm.del - 2017-18 - Bilag 108: Publikationen "Clever climate legislation"
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Contents
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Foreword by Britt Lundberg, President of the
Nordic Council
National parliamentarians were given the task
and responsibility in Paris 2015
The political toolbox needs to be expanded
The burning platform
What has been decided in the Paris Agreement,
in the EU and in the Nordic region?
Forthcoming crucial international events, and
how climate parliamentarians can work
Challenges facing the Nordic countries
Climate legislation
The key working tools
How do you become a climate clever parliamentarian?
Views from Nordic parliamentarians
The long term
Abbreviations
References
About the author
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Foreword
By Britt Lundberg,
President of the Nordic Council
Future living conditions on our planet
will be greatly influenced by how well
people manage to solve the complex
challenge of climate change. Therefore,
parliamentarians around the world
find themselves faced with a major
task of developing wise and effective
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climate legislation, which can maintain
the world on course with the goals set
by the Paris Agreement of 2015. Using
legislation, the parliaments must hold
the government firm on an overall
climate goal. They must approve the
laws that are a prerequisite for the
FOTO: MAGNUS FRÖDERBERG/NORDEN.ORG
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reduction plans being implemented.
The legislative assemblies must also
create an understanding among their
respective voters for the measures
deemed necessary to contribute to the
solution to the challenge of climate
change.
There will be a need for the parliaments
to focus on climate work for decades to
come. The existing laws must be revised
and new laws developed. Focusing on
the 1.5-degree target and the stock-
taking in 2018 set out in the Paris
Agreement also means, that many and
comprehensive decisions must be taken
in a relatively short time if the impact
of climate change is to be reduced to
manageable size. It will be the national
parliaments that must take many of the
coming difficult but necessary decisions
that will change the way we live and
how we manage our economies.
The "clever" legislation must be able
to ensure both continuity and long-
term stability in climate policy. It
must give the parliamentarians better
conditions to ensure that government
is doing what they have promised. It
must provide a stable framework for
investors and the business sector to
provide the solutions. Unfortunately,
there is no blueprint and definitive
answer to the question of what
constitutes good climate legislation.
Fortunately, however, there are now
many experiences upon which we can
draw in order to reduce the risk that
ambitions for good climate laws are
not fulfilled. In the Nordic Council,
we have therefore agreed that a
handbook that puts the parliamentary
work into perspective and draws on
the experiences that we have could
be helpful for future work on climate
change in the parliamentary assemblies.
To carry out this task, we contacted
Steen Gade, who has long experience
working on the challenges of climate
change as a member of the Danish
Parliament, as director of the Danish
Environmental Protection Agency and
as a member of the Nordic Council.
In this handbook for parliamentarians,
Steen Gade has gathered the
experiences of climate legislation
and parliamentary climate work that
has been carried out in the Nordic
countries so far. He also describes the
international processes that led the
international community to come to
an agreement in Paris in December
2015 and how this agreement creates
the framework for future regular
reporting on the results and submission
of new and enhanced national efforts.
I hope that both current and future
generations of parliamentarians in the
Nordic countries, as well as in other
countries, will be inspired and benefit
from this handbook in the effort to limit
the effects of global climate change.
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FOTO: PEXELS
FOTO: PEXELS
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National parliamentarians were
given the task and responsibility
in Paris 2015
When the Foreign Minister of France,
on December 12th, 2015 at the COP21
(Conference of the Parties) was able
to declare the Paris Agreement as
adopted, the assembled delegates
broke into standing and prolonged
ovation. And precisely at that moment,
a major responsibility was thrown
directly into the laps of the national
parliamentarians. Not that national
parliamentarians had been free of
responsibility before this. However,
responsibility now became both
completely formalised and heavier than
before. Yes, perhaps even overwhelming
to think about.
Finally, the whole world had reached
a climate change agreement. One
hundred ninety-five countries had
adopted the world's first universal,
legally binding global climate
agreement. Twenty-three years
after the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) had been adopted at the
World Summit meeting on Sustainable
Development in 1992, in Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil.
In Paris, everyone was in. And many
even said 'Yes, thank you,' and added
a concerned, 'Finally!' For until this
moment, the world had experienced
years of negotiations without an overall
result. Fortunately, there were skilled
officials who held the negotiating
channel open, even when things looked
darkest. There were major defeats
along the way, and a couple of partial
victories. But now, finally, after 23 years
of work, there was success. The world
had reached a global agreement, and it
came to be called the Paris Agreement.
Up to the COP15 in Copenhagen in
2009, the process had been governed by
the desire to have global, legally binding
greenhouse gas reduction targets for
countries and for groups of countries.
This is how the Kyoto Agreement of
1997 was constructed. However, Kyoto
contained only emissions reduction
targets for the developed countries.
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The Paris Agreement is instead based
on the countries' voluntary reduction
targets and climate plans. These are
the National Determined Contributions
(NDCs). In addition, the countries are
encouraged to develop and present
long-term low greenhouse gas emission
development strategies. The other main
element of the agreement is that it is
now about all of us. All countries, both
developed and developing countries,
must commit themselves to climate
action. All countries must contribute,
but in different ways, of course. The
contribution depends on the countries'
differing capacities.
So now, the great global trench
warfare between North and South
ought to have ended.
By October 5th,
2016, a sufficient number of countries
had ratified the agreement so that it
could enter into force a month later.
At present, 168 countries out of 197
have ratified the Paris Agreement.
Because the agreement is now
based upon what the countries
themselves report, all the national
parliamentarians have been given a
new major responsibility, and thereby
an area of work that – in the same
way as transport planning, education,
etc. – should become a part of the
parliamentary routine. And climate
should be especially important as an
indispensable and integrated part of
economic policy. Thereby, it is a part
of both the long-term plans and the
annual budgets.
What climate pledges should my
country submit? How does my country
follow up on already announced
commitments? How can we strengthen
our own efforts and increase our
ambitions? And how do I myself and the
countries work more closely together to
achieve the goals? This is now an area of
work for all parliamentarians, not only
those who sit on climate or environment
committees. No, now everyone is
included. All parliamentarians need to
become climate parliamentarians.
On one point, climate policy
perhaps differs from other policies.
The greenhouse effect is global, and it
requires much closer cooperation across
borders. Also for parliamentarians.
The agreement was signed a few
months after the UN General Assembly
adopted the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs). These two major global
agreements are linked, and their
implementation should be considered
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in context. The SDG targets must be
completed by 2030, while the climate
targets will be operating until 2025
or 2030, all depending on what each
individual country has reported. After
this, new climate targets must be
set in five-year modules. By 2020, all
countries must either confirm or revise
their current targets and climate plans,
and the level of ambition must not be
lowered.
With the United States' very worrying
message that it intends to withdraw
from the agreement,
the above is
perhaps described in simplified form.
The United States is the country
with the world's second highest
CO2 emissions and still plays a very
significant role in global technology
development. However, the impact of
lacking American political support for
the Paris Agreement has so far been
very limited. The United States' decision
has not led other countries to follow
suit.
Responsibility for implementation of
the Paris Agreement lies largely with
the European countries,
but others are
also making great efforts. Perhaps we
will find that the new major countries
in Asia – China and India – will now
become more active in implementing
the agreement. In any case, it seems
that among many companies in a
number of areas – such as solar cell
production, wind turbine production,
advanced control systems and electric
cars – there has emerged a very strong
global commercial competition to
develop and produce best and cheapest.
And here the American companies
are fully involved in the competition,
together with their European
counterparts. And hard pressed by the
emerging economies, who are exerting
serious efforts to take the lead.
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The political toolbox
needs to be expanded
All this means that the working
methods which parliamentarians are
accustomed to using to exert their
influence on developments, to pressure
their government and to influence
the public debate generally, now also
apply to the entire climate area. The
Nordic countries, in their respective
parliaments, have fairly similar tools.
It is possible to present proposals, to
influence the budget, and to hold a
minister accountable on agreements
and promises. These are the working
methods that must be used just as
aggressively when it comes to climate
as in other areas. However, since the
climate area intervenes in most policy
areas, requires major conversion
processes and is also of a global nature,
the toolbox needs to be expanded.
International cooperation will thus
become more important in the
coming years.
The Nordic Council and
the Nordic Council of Ministers will
become more important for all the
Nordic countries, and this applies even
more so for cooperation with the EU.
All five Nordic countries have politically
acceded to the EU's climate targets by
2030. The Nordic countries therefore
have common goals when they meet
each other in international negotiations.
These meetings will be primarily in the
many negotiations in the UNFCCC,
with annual climate summits and new,
more ambitious national contributions
every five years. In the maritime area,
CO2 emissions are discussed in the
International Maritime Organization
(IMO), and in the case of aviation, the
negotiations take place within the
framework of the International Civil
Aviation Organization (ICAO). Hence,
there exists a large field of work outside
the global climate negotiations in the
UNFCCC.
In addition, the major transformation
requires political decisions that
promote technological change.
Today's
technological possibilities are quite
considerable, but existing policies often
operate in the opposite direction. This
issue must be addressed, while the
conversion must be promoted through
wise policy decisions. Everything
from research, support for product
development, promotion of new green
technology and public procurement are
tools in the expanded toolbox.
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FOTO: UNSPLASH
FOTO:IUNSPLASH
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The burning platform
What does the burning platform look
like? This question was asked in 1988,
when the UN began to assemble all
existing scientific knowledge in order to
assess all aspects of climate change.
It was a year after publication of the
famous report on the future of the
world (Our Common Future, known as
the Brundtland Report, named after
Norway's former prime minister). The
Brundtland Report laid the foundation
for comprehensive global and citizen
study groups that the world had never
seen before. The report introduced
a new development regime with the
term "sustainable development", and
thereby warned against the ongoing
unsustainable development.
Several thousand researchers have
since been involved in a massive effort
to assemble knowledge that has been
published regularly, especially in the
periods prior to important global
decisions. The first major report of
the UN Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change appeared in 1990 and
laid the foundation for the adoption
of the 1992 Climate Convention. The
next report, in 1995, appeared up to the
adoption of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997.
And in 2007, The Fourth Assessment
Report became an important part of
the basis for the attempt to obtain a
global agreement at the 2009 COP15
summit in Copenhagen. As we know,
this effort did not produce the desired
results. The most recent report, The
Fifth Assessment Report appeared in
2013–14, as a prelude to the 2015 Paris
summit. At present, we are waiting for
the sixth report, which is being prepared
and will be published in 2021–22, prior
to the submission of the next set of
national climate targets and plans in
2025.
The issue of whether climate change
is man-made has been addressed, and
one can still follow the increasingly more
certain wording in the various reports
of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel
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on Climate Change. However, there
remains a major disparity between the
long public discussion on the subject
and the statements by researchers.
Up to 1990, the message was that
the greenhouse effect was due, to a
significant degree, to human activity.
Over the years, the degree of certainty
has become larger and larger. The 5th
report's summary for policymakers
states that "it is extremely likely that
human influence has been the dominant
cause of the observed warming since
the mid-20th century".
The 2014 report is based on data
collected up to 2012.
It is thick and
scientific, but there exists a summary
for policymakers. Among other things,
the summary states that the area of
sea ice in the Arctic region from 1979
to 2012 has declined by between 3.5
and 4.1 per cent per decade. Moreover,
the water level in the oceans will rise
by between 26 and 98 centimetres by
the year 2100, if one examines all the
different scenarios. The concentration
of CO2 and other greenhouse gases in
the atmosphere is now higher than at
any other time in the previous 800,000
years. Global CO2 emissions must be
reduced by 40–70 per cent between
2010 and 2050 and should be zero
around year 2100 if we are to limit the
temperature increase to two degrees in
this century. Above 90 per cent of the
accumulated energy in recent decades
has been absorbed by the oceans, which
have also become warmer down to
700 meters in depth. And, finally, we
read that the earth's temperature will
most likely rise 0.3 to 0.7 degrees in the
period 2016–2035.
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Is the challenge even greater?
Professor Sebastian Mernild
takes the floor:
By Sebastian H. Mernild, Professor of Climate
Change and Glaciology (Ph.D. and Dr. Scient.)
and Managing Director of the Nansen Center
in Bergen.
has a long lifespan in the atmosphere,
so the content will not decline quickly
by itself, even with a stagnant, lessened
or possibly complete cessation of
emissions in the near future.
We know that the average temperature
of the globe up to the record-breaking
warmth in 2016 has risen by 1.2 degrees
Celsius
since the time before the
Industrial Revolution, which marked
the beginning of systematic CO2
emissions into the atmosphere. And
because of the heat absorption in the
oceans, there is a considerable delay
in global warming compared to the
rapidly growing amounts of greenhouse
gases in the atmosphere. The mean
temperature is at least half a degree
lower than would be indicated by the
current level of greenhouse gases in
the atmosphere.
Human-caused climate changes,
therefore, do not belong only in the
distant future. They are occurring here
and now, and the physical changes are
becoming on average more dramatic for
each year that passes. The changes are
occurring more rapidly today than they
did just ten years ago. The effects of a
warmer climate are clearly visible.
As the emissions and conditions are at
present, we are far off the optimistic
scenario. Rather, we are experiencing
something that is best compared to a
worst-case scenario, where there are
indications of a further increase of
3.2–5.4 degrees in 2100 compared to
the present situation.
Today's level of greenhouse
gases is significantly above the
maximum values found in the ice cores
over the last 800,000 years, about
40 per cent higher. From the same ice
cores, we can deduce that at no time
has the CO2 content in the atmosphere
changed as fast as is the case now. The
amount of CO2 in the atmosphere over
the past decades has increased by an
average of 2 ppm (parts per million, the
unit for the number of CO2 molecules in
the air), equivalent to 0.5 per cent per
year, whereas the increase during the
1960s and 1970s was on average 1 ppm.
This means that the atmospheric
content of CO2 is rising at the same
time that global emissions of CO2
into the atmosphere now seem to be
stagnant, following decades of strong
growth in emissions.
As illustration, this
situation can be equated with the water
level in a bathtub rising because the
faucet has been opened, but at least the
faucet is not opened any further.
The increased CO2 content in the
atmosphere is the main cause of
the climate change that we are
now experiencing and which will be
reinforced for many decades, even for
centuries, to come. We know that CO2
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Sebastian H. Mernild
Examples:
• Since 1979, the Arctic summer sea
ice sheet has shrunk in area by an
average of 92,000 km
2
a year, or twice
the entire land area of Denmark. It
is expected that the summer sea ice
sheet will be gone in 15–20 years,
around the time when we pass the
1.5 degrees global warming threshold.
The sea ice sheet area in December
2016 and January 2017 was the
lowest amount measured for the
season in both the Arctic and around
Antarctica. The temperature over the
North Pole during autumn-winter
months of 2016–2017 has been 20
degrees above normal for the season.
• The mass loss from Greenland's inland
ice sheet and from the enormous
Antarctic ice cover has accelerated
since the 1980s, so that annually, there
now flows 350 cubic kilometres of
ice and meltwater into the sea from
Greenland alone, and slightly less from
Antarctica. It is expected that in the
coming decades, the inland ice surface
will reach a "tipping point" such that
the amount of snow and ice that
melts away from the inland ice surface
during the summer will be greater
than the snow fall in winter. This is
already happening before we hit the
two-degree global warming threshold,
where the contribution to the annual
outflow of ice and meltwater will
correspondingly, nearly double.
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FOTO: SEBASTIAN MERNILD
The task is to press
the emissions level
sharply downward, ideally
to zero, over the next two
decades. Otherwise, the
two-degree UN target
will not be realistically
achievable. Climate and
energy policy must therefore
be ambitious and sufficient
and must clearly contribute
to reducing the growth of
CO
2
in the atmosphere. Only
then can we demonstrate a
breakthrough in the ongoing
green transformation.
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What has been decided in the
Paris Agreement, in the EU
and in the Nordic region?
The Paris Agreement is a comprehensive
treaty system in which the crucial
balance between developed and
developing countries, the so called
North and South, which was already a
key element in the Brundtland Report,
has been maintained. The core is the
concept of sustainable development.
Sustainable development means that
there should be room for both economic
and social sustainable development
and at the same time, a reduction of
climate and environmental impacts. The
agreement also ensures that the South
will have the space – and help – to
develop a viable standard of living, while
the North reduces its climate impact
and develops technologies and methods
that can be transferred to the South. In
addition, the commitments have been
made for increased economic transfers
from north to south.
In the course of this process, agreement
has been reached on a series of
elements, such as the crucial political
benchmarks that can ensure that the
temperature increase in this century
will remain below two degrees. This
threshold was agreed upon at COP13
in 2007. The target was set based on
assessments that if the temperature
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increase becomes higher, climate change
will be completely unmanageable for the
international community – it is difficult
enough already – and the temperature
could increase exponentially.
With the Paris Agreement, the ambition
increased significantly.
The goal is now
to keep the temperature increase well
below two degrees compared to the
pre-industrial level, and to even strive
to keep it down to 1.5 degrees. This is
an immensely difficult task, when the
numbers show that the record warm
year of 2016 showed a temperature
increase of 1.2 degrees.
The Paris Agreement will take effect from
2020 and will then be strengthened every
five years with increasingly ambitious
objectives. By 2023, the countries must
assess their progress and any potential
shortcomings, before the new climate
plans are submitted in 2025.
Each country must submit its own
nationally determined targets and
climate change measures to the UN
Framework Convention on Climate
Change, and in October 2017, 162
countries have submitted plans. In
addition, funds must be raised from
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the developed countries for climate
change initiatives for the world's
poorest countries. The important
agreement from the 2009 Copenhagen
climate summit, that the developed
countries should transfer USD 100
billion to developing countries each year
beginning in 2020, is thus a part of the
agreement. It has also been agreed
that further efforts should be made
to identify how the world's countries
can jointly cope with the losses and
damages that climate change has
already caused – and will cause in
the future – in the least developed
countries.
The Paris Agreement is a major and
important agreement, but it also
contains obvious shortcomings. This is
primarily because the climate plans that
the countries have submitted will lead
to a temperature rise of about three
degrees if they are not strengthened
significantly. This is also because the
agreement first takes effect in 2020,
such that there is an excessively long
wait until the revised and intensified
2025 plans can take effect. The
possibility to hold the temperature
increase down to 1.5 degrees may
simply disappear by 2025. Therefore,
the agreement has also included a
number of "political hooks", which
create new opportunities to accelerate
action. First and foremost, this involves
an opportunity to review the situation
in 2018 at COP24. Next, there is an
opportunity to submit more ambitious
climate plans in 2020.
In EU cooperation, climate has played a
major role for a long time,
and over the
years, the EU has played a significant
and leading role in obtaining results in
the international climate negotiations
within the UN framework. The EU has
had a common climate policy for many
years, with several overall goals and
themes decided upon. By 2050, for
example, greenhouse gas emissions
must be reduced by between 80 per
cent and 95 per cent of 1990 levels.
The EU supports the construction of
electrical grids between countries in
order to, among other things, facilitate
the inclusion of growing supply of
renewable energy. There are targets for
expansion of renewable energy and a
common energy-saving policy. Also, an
energy union is in the works. Therefore,
all 28 EU countries submit their
emission reduction targets together.
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The EU countries have thus committed
themselves to implementing a 40
per cent reduction of total emissions
by 2030, compared to 1990 levels.
In addition, there are targets for
expansion of renewable energy of 27 per
cent by 2030 and an indicative target
of a 27 per cent improvement in energy
efficiency.
In the EU, two systems are operating.
One is the quota sector, the EU
emissions trading system (EU ETS),
where purchases and sales of CO2
emissions allowances shall regulate
emissions. This sector includes large
industries, power plants, etc. The other
system covers other sectors of the
economy, the so-called non-ETS sectors,
where regulation is carried out in a
different way. These sectors include e.g.
cars, agriculture and dwellings.
The overall targets in the non-ETS
sectors are distributed among member
countries after a negotiation process.
The EEA countries, Norway and Iceland,
have politically acceded to the EU's
objectives, just as they are both part of
the EU ETS system. In this way, all the
Nordic countries now share a number of
crucial decisions, despite their differing
ties to the EU.
In Nordic cooperation, climate
has also become quite high on the
agenda.
In 2017, the Nordic Prime
Ministers took the initiative toward a
more integrated climate and energy
effort. Jorma Ollila has prepared a
comprehensive report for the Nordic
Council of Ministers, containing a
number of recommendations for
the Nordic governments regarding
greatly-expanded energy cooperation.
In addition, climate plays a significant
role in the ongoing co-operation
among the Nordic climate ministers, in
Nordic research institutions and in the
priorities of the Nordic Development
Fund. The Nordic countries now also
have a common pavilion at the climate
summits. In recent years, Nordic
parliamentarians have worked more
closely together at the climate summits,
just as the Nordic Council's Committee
for a Sustainable Nordic Region has
established contacts with members of
the national climate and environment
committees on special topics.
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Forthcoming crucial international
events, and how climate
parliamentarians can work
Globally
• The annual UN climate summit
meetings will normally take place
between mid-November to mid-
December.
There is a tradition of attendance by
parliamentarians from all the Nordic
countries and autonomous regions, so
it will often be a good idea to organise
parliamentary initiatives before the
meetings and before the government's
negotiating mandate has been
established. The meetings are also a
good networking site.
• The IPCC Special Report on the
1.5 degree target will appear in
September 2018. It will form the basis
for the discussion up to COP24 later
in 2018.
The report will therefore be important
and a good starting point for initiatives
up to the meeting.
• COP24 will be especially important
because it was agreed upon in Paris
that the 2018 meeting should be the
first stock-taking conference. That is,
the world's countries will be assessing
the impact of their collective effort
and allow room for information on
further action.
This means that it is possible to take
a new course of action during 2018.
It is expected that researchers and
NGOs will place very high priority on
2018. This is primarily because it was
acknowledged already in 2015 that the
actions are very late getting started,
and that the countries' current climate
targets do not correspond to the
climate necessity. Particularly not if
the goal is to keep the temperature
increases down to 1.5 degrees.
• In September 2019, the IPCC will
issue a special report on the oceans
because there is a steadily increasing
concern about the consequences
of the acidification of our large
ocean areas and also what the
consequences will be when the oceans
can no longer absorb more CO2.
The report will be an important
prelude to the main report in 2022,
and it may become a game changer
in understanding the need for a
significantly greater effort already in
the coming decade.
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• By 2020, all countries must either
confirm or revise current targets
and climate plans, and the level of
ambition must not be lowered.
This means that up to the 2020
climate summit, work should be
carried out on further developing and
enhancing targets and climate plans.
• In 2021, three IPCC working groups
will issue reports on, respectively,
the scientific basis for the climate
problem, the impact of climate
change and on climate adaptation
and vulnerability and mitigation. All
three reports form parts of the sixth
main report.
They will be well-suited to ensuring
attention to the urgency of the
situation and the risk of an inadequate
effort.
• The synthesis of the IPCC's sixth
report will be published in 2022 and
will form the basis for the decisions to
be taken in 2025.
The sixth report should therefore
be accorded very great attention,
as the basis for enrolling in the new,
intensified climate plans in 2025. The
report will become crucial because at
that time, it is perhaps the absolutely
last call for reinforcing climate action
to a degree that will make it possible
to achieve the 1.5 degree target.
In EU and Nordic cooperation
• In EU cooperation, more priority has
been given to energy cooperation
with the establishment of an Energy
Union on the way, and negotiation is
taking place regarding the content
of the fourth period (from 2021
to 2030) of the emissions trading
system, in which all the Nordic
countries participate. This will be an
important negotiation because the
efficiency of the emissions trading
system today has been significantly
weakened by the allocation of too
many quotas. In the Nordic context,
discussions are taking place regarding
the coordination of efforts, joint
research and closer climate- and
energy political cooperation. And
perhaps most importantly: The Nordic
countries obtain inspiration from each
other. Often in a mutual competitive
struggle.
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What is new is that EU decisions
and decisions taken in cooperation
between the EU and the EEA countries
will become much more important
for all the Nordic countries in the
years to come and should therefore
be closely monitored in all the Nordic
parliaments. Furthermore, it is good
to know that it is quite convincing
to be able to refer to results in other
European countries. Coming from
the Nordic countries, it even has an
additional impact. Therefore, it can
be a good investment to follow the
legislative process and the political
debate in the other countries. This can
be done in many ways. Good contacts
that inform about initiatives, but do
not over-inform, are among the most
effective.
transport sector, the issue has been
discussed within the ICAO. Domestic
air traffic is subject to the EU quota
system, and some countries also
have passenger charges. Globally, it
has been decided that there should
be a market-based regulation of
international aviation beginning in
2021. In the shipping area, a roadmap
will be adopted in 2018 which seeks
the adoption of a global system
for monitoring, fuel consumption
and more. The EU has also adopted
a regulation on the monitoring of
CO2 emissions from ships in the EU
and ships to and from the EU. This
regulation will take effect in January
2018.
Shipping and aviation are often
forgotten when discussing climate.
One of the reasons is that these
areas are typically regulated by
other ministries than the ministries
for climate and environment.
However, they are very important
for global CO2 emissions. It will
therefore be appropriate to request
ongoing updates of the negotiation
processes and ensure debate on the
government's negotiating position and
initiatives.
With shipping and aviation
• The Paris Agreement does not
regulate greenhouse gas emissions
from international shipping or
aviation, despite the valiant efforts
on the part of the Nordic countries.
Within the IMO, discussions have
taken place on the impact of shipping
on CO2 emissions, and within the air
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FOTO: ISTOCK
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Challenges facing
the Nordic countries
Emissions and reductions
In the Nordic countries, one often
encounters the view that the Nordic
region occupies a top position with
regards to climate and that the
countries have practically already
met the challenge of climate change.
Therefore, it is important to have
knowledge of the statistics for
emissions. The graph below highlights
the key data, namely, the size of CO2
emissions per each Nordic citizen and
the size of the emissions reductions
achieved in the Nordic countries since
1990.
Greenhouse emission per capita in the Nordic countries and
EU as a whole 1990, 2000 and 2015
CO
2
equivalent in tons
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
DK
FI
1990
IS
NO
2000
SE
2015
NR
EU28
Source: Nordisk Statistics, 2017, Nordic Council of Ministers. Showing emissions per capita in
Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, as an average for the Nordic population as a whole
and for the EU.
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On average, the Nordic region emits
just under 9 tonnes of CO2 equivalents
per inhabitant. Everyone in the Nordic
region thus leaves behind a very large
carbon footprint.
The data on CO2 emissions per
capita also play a significant role in
global negotiations. It is important
to understand that the negotiations
– seen from the perspective of the
developing countries – are not just
about the Nordic region's major CO2
reductions. Developing countries with
low emissions will naturally focus on
rich countries' high emissions. And the
most vulnerable countries – which are
most often the poorest – are naturally
enough taking the lead to include that
theme, which in the negotiations up to
the Paris Agreement concerned "loss
and damage". In general, it is a good
idea to have the current statistical data
in mind. For example, that Bangladesh
has an emission of only 0.5 tonnes per
inhabitant per year, China has 7.5 tons,
USA 16.8 tons and Tanzania 0.2 tonnes
(according to the Global Carbon Atlas).
When it comes to reductions in CO2
emissions and support and initiatives
to reinforce and streamline global
climate efforts, the Nordic countries
are clearly at the forefront. The Nordic
countries are also leading in terms of
development assistance. This means
that Nordic parliamentarians encounter
a very large amount of goodwill in
all climate contexts: when meeting
with colleagues and NGOs from the
developing countries, with the most
active global NGOs, and in relation to
green businesses.
This is a truly unique
position for a parliamentarian who
wants to establish contacts and push
for rapid green transformation.
The key sectors
The Nordic countries have developed a
quite uniform way of dealing with the
challenges of climate change, and all
have played important roles in global
climate negotiations.
With a large common energy market,
the Nordic countries have a major
opportunity to reach the forefront of
the development of future systems
for an integrated and innovative
energy system. It will be based on
many different forms of production of
climate-friendly energy, energy storage
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and smart consumption. This will all be
linked together by stronger network
connections. The many new possibilities
are described in Jorma Ollila's proposal
to the Nordic Council of Ministers.
As for the most difficult challenges,
they also look amazingly the same.
These challenges are clearly described
in the International Energy Agency's
(IEA) and the Nordic Energy Research's
publication
Nordic Energy Technology
Perspectives 2016.
The first challenge is
to increase the flexibility of the Nordic
energy system. Second, there is a need
to create closer Nordic and broader
European cooperation on far-stronger
infrastructure across borders. Third, a
special effort is needed to limit process-
related emissions. And fourth, there is
a need to accelerate the effort to make
the transport sector CO2-free.
To this can be added that the Nordic
countries still have a lot to gain by
saving energy. In addition, the entire
agricultural and forestry area is a
challenge because there is a very large
amount of greenhouse gas emissions
from intensive agriculture and livestock.
There are also opportunities for farming
and forestry to absorb more CO2.
One can conclude that the
information from the current
reports is quite clear. Together, the
Nordic countries should all focus on:
• Full speed on expanding
renewable energy and developing
the next generation common
energy market. Now also aimed
wider in Europe
• The transport system must be
made independent of fossil fuels
at a very great pace
• Heavy industry must be
actively included in the green
transformation
• Agriculture must also deliver
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Climate legislation
Therefore, the question arises as to
whether there is sufficient legislation
in the Nordic countries and whether
there is an ideal form of legislation.
In Cicero's (the Norwegian Center for
Climate Research) 2016 report to the
Nordic Council, the Nordic countries'
climate legislation was described in a
table. The table is reproduced below,
supplemented with information about
the new climate laws in Sweden and
Norway.
Key elements of enacted climate laws in the Nordic countries
Area of coverage
EMISSION
REDUCTIONS
CLIMATE
ADAPTATION
Target
TARGETS
MANDATED
BY LAW
PROCESS
FOR
TARGETS
Process
ADVISORY
BODY
REPORTING
TO
PARLIAMENT
Direct regulation
EU ETS
OTHER
REGULATION
See note 3
See note 1
See note 2
Source:
Cicero, Klimapolitikk i Norden, report
2016:07, with added information for Sweden
and Norway, who have since passed climate
laws.
1
Partially included: In preparing the Act, the
Folketing requires that the Minister present
national climate targets at least every 5 years.
It is also an understanding that the established
2020 target forms the basis for the law. How-
ever, these elements are not included in the text
itself
2
The Finnish Climate Act explicitly indicates
that the EU ETS is regulated by other laws and
specifies that the emissions reduction plans
mentioned in the Act apply to sectors outside
the EU ETS.
3
Partially Included: The Icelandic Climate Act
mandates that the government at all times
meet reduction obligations at the international
level.
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As can be seen, all the Nordic countries
have quite comprehensive legislation,
and now, after Sweden and Norway
have adopted their climate legislation,
all five countries have such legislation
in place. The laws are constructed more
or less according to the same template
as the British law, which was passed in
2008.
It will therefore be appropriate to
ask Lord Deben, Chairman of the
British Climate Committee, to assess
the significance of strong climate
legislation.
Lord Deben takes the floor:
Lord Deben has a long carrier in environmental politics,
and has been UK's longest-serving secretary of state for
the environment. He is now chairman for The Committee
on Climate Change in the U.K.
The UK is very fortunate to have tough
climate legislation. It's not prescriptive in
detail – it simply forces the Government to act
to meet the series of five-year carbon budgets
fixed at the level recommended by the Committee
on Climate Change. This entirely independent
committee announces these budgets well in
advance – we've already planned them up to
2032. The budgets detail the sequential steps
necessary to ensure we cut our emissions by 80 per cent by
2050, and they are enshrined in law and therefore have to be
met. The system is simple but it makes sure Governments don't
put off the actions we need to take because they are politically
inconvenient. The system has strong all-party support; invented
by the Conservatives; enacted by Labour; and strongly supported
by Liberal Democrats and Nationalists. It shows just how effective
tough, consistent, and continuing legislation can be.
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Anders Wijkman was chairman of the
cross-party committee that laid the
groundwork for Sweden's new climate
policy framework. He therefore
provides valuable and interesting insight
into climate legislation.
Anders Wijkman takes the floor:
Wijkman is co-president of the Club of Rome and president of Climate
KIC – the EU's public-private climate innovation initiative. He is a former
Member of the European Parliament and the Swedish Parliament.
The most important was to ensure that all committee
members had the same level of knowledge and a similar
perception of the challenges. At the beginning of the process,
we thus devoted a lot of time to listening to facts and meeting
representatives from across all relevant sectors. A particularly
important question was how the rapid technology development
– digital technology, nanotechnology and biotechnology – would
affect us and the capacity to shape and implement climate policy.
It is of utmost importance to define clear goals and to stipulate
that minimal climate impact should be a key objective of all
important policy areas, as well as to ensure that the government
draws up a detailed action plan every four years. Abolishing a
law is much more complicated than changing a parliamentary
decision. Therein lies the main difference.
The legislation provides a foundation for action by all committed
parliamentarians. A climate policy council should be set up to
continuously assess the government's actions – and suggest
alternatives to government policies – this will be beneficial
to the effort. Moreover, the council's reports can be used
when addressing interpellation and posing questions to the
government.
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FOTO: SCANPIX
FOTO: A. WIJKMAN
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The key working tools
Climate legislation with
clear climate targets
It is important that climate legislation
also establishes clear climate targets
with ceilings for emissions for both long-
term and for shorter periods. Of course,
the most certain strategy is that these
goals form part of the actual law text.
In this way, it will be more difficult to
dilute already agreed upon targets, and
the targets – especially the more short-
term – will therefore become crucial in
the annual political priority campaigns
on, among other things, the budget.
Climate legislation with
independent climate councils
Independent climate councils will
strengthen legislation precisely because
they must follow the area closely and
present proposals to the government
and parliament. The council must
be committed to the goals which a
majority in Parliament have endorsed.
It must be equipped with sufficient
professional knowledge so that the
proposals are well-calculated and
the effects documented. In this way,
the climate council will participate in
the public debate and in the political
process to ensure that the goals are
fulfilled.
The annual recommendations should
be timed so that they can be included
in budget decisions and overall
climate-related decisions. In this
way, the recommendations will be an
important and continuous part of the
work. This means that each year, the
parliamentary committee responsible
for climate will have a significant
partner in the effort.
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Budgeting and
finance laws
The annual budget must of
course reflect the ever-increasing
climate involvement. And here the
parliamentarians are on their home
turf. It is the allocation of money that
governs, and therefore it is about
ensuring resources for the many
initiatives that are needed. Energy and
climate research, climate assistance,
contributions to international
institutions, resources for expanding
renewable energy, storage, smart
energy and energy savings, as well as
initiatives within transport, emissions
from industrial processing and
agriculture. In addition, there must be
sufficient financial resources to fulfil
the decision that, from 2020, the rich
part of the world will transfer USD 100
billion a year to the developing countries
as assistance in dealing with climate
change and green transformation.
Coherence and green
accounts
Coherence is about ensuring consistency
between long-term climate goals and
other policy areas. We often observe
contradictory laws and clashes
between different goals. Transport
policy, for example, is filled with such
contradictions. A parliamentarian can
ensure the illumination of these clashes
by always asking for an assessment of
new proposals and the importance of
the initiatives for the climate. Similarly,
calculations as to which sectors and
policies can thwart the objectives can
be easily obtained and then included in
the political debate and parliamentary
priorities.
As the UN and the EU are working to
spread green national accounts, it will
also be obvious to prioritize developing
it into a new instrument. With a green
national account in place, it will be easy
to calculate the impact of all economic
decisions on the climate accounts, just
as green national accounts can provide
a basis for preparing CO2 budgets. In
this way, climate will be part of the
annual discussions about the budget
with significantly greater weight than
today.
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How do you become a climate
clever parliamentarian?
A few tips
1.
Make your own climate calendar
with the dates when reports
are expected, the most important
international meetings held,
recommendations released from
the climate council, NGOs, green
companies, etc. Update your calendar
periodically – Use it to create continuity
in your political initiatives.
Always build on knowledge
from reports, researchers, etc.
The climate area is often subjected to
counter-arguments based upon feelings
and not on facts, even though reality
may look completely different. The IPCC
has assembled and published scientific
knowledge that contains the arguments
for action. It is the most comprehensive
scientific collection of facts combined
with the construction of better and
better computer models – the best ever
made in connection with a convention.
Create your own informal
network among colleagues.
Preferably also across party lines and
ideally including colleagues from both
governing parties and non-governing
parties. It can also be official networks,
but they can be difficult to establish.
So let it primarily be your own personal
network.
3.
2.
Make sure you have close contact
with the NGO community and
the green actors in the business sector.
Make your office an open place for
climate-committed actors. Listen and
learn, but decide yourself. Do not allow
others to dictate your initiatives.
4.
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Build up a good network outside
the country's borders. It is often
easier to establish networks across
party lines internationally than within
one's own country. And precisely the
inter-party and transnational aspect is
a special strength in the climate area. It
can often count quite a lot in the public
debate if a new initiative has already
been adopted in another country.
5.
• A Nordic network is the most obvious.
It is easy to communicate together,
and there is a certain pre-existing
knowledge of each other's countries.
The Nordic countries are expected
to establish even closer cooperation
in the climate field in the coming
years, and at global meetings there
will often be an opportunity to
act jointly. This is in line with the
joint arrangements that have been
organised for Nordic parliamentarians
in recent years. In contacts with
parliamentarians outside the Nordic
region, it will often be advantageous
to be able to refer to a Nordic
network. Viewed from the outside,
it is not always easy for outsiders to
distinguish the individual countries
from each other.
• A European network will come next.
First and foremost, because the EU
and EEA countries are working with
the same objectives. It is therefore
evident that in the EU system's
annual calendar and schedules, crucial
knowledge can be obtained – just as
many relevant reports are produced
and many initiatives undertaken.
Make especially sure to get in contact
with one or more members of the
European Parliament. Invite and ask
for ongoing information or just the
occasional contact, which makes it
easier for you to phone each other.
• For Nordic parliamentarians, a
global network can often start with
developing countries. Especially with
those countries with which the Nordic
countries cooperate closely. The global
network can be used in parliament
when discussing aid programmes and
their content. Is climate adaptation
included? Does my country help to
make climate plans? And do we ensure
that the proposed aid initiatives
follow the Paris Agreement and the
UN's Sustainable Development Goals?
These are obvious questions to ask.
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Contacts can be established at the
annual climate summits, to which
an increasing number of developing
countries and regional parliaments
also send representatives. The same
applies to study trips to countries with
development assistance programmes,
participation in the delegations to
the UN annual General Assembly
and through the International
Parliamentary Union (IPU), where in
recent years the focus on climate and
climate adaptation has been stepped
up.
At the grassroots level for
parliamentarians, the Global
Legislators Organization
for a Balanced Environment
(GLOBE) gathers climate-active
parliamentarians across the
political spectrum and from many
countries. GLOBE was founded in
1989 and works throughout the
world. It has offices in Mexico and
Brussels. Other organizations, such
as the E-Parliament, work with
parliamentary cooperation on climate
and renewable energy.
Find current knowledge about
other countries' climate
legislation. Grantham Institute at
the London School of Economics has
assembled knowledge about legislation
around the world. It is – besides a
comprehensive documentation in order
for legislators to take on responsibility
– the only place where so much
knowledge about climate legislation has
been collected.
6.
Build wide alliances on climate
issues and involve both
representatives from business and
the trade unions, if possible. All too
often, resistance to climate initiatives
is associated with a fear that jobs
will be lost. Therefore, collect as much
knowledge as possible about green job
creation, where goal-oriented efforts
for renewable energy, energy savings
and circular economics have created
new sustainable jobs.
7.
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Try to get the main lines of
the national climate policy
to be politically broad-based so that
everything does not suddenly change
with a change of government. This
task can be difficult, because it is also
important that there is competition
among the parties on goals and
funds. But the most important thing
is to establish durable, long-term
agreements. Here, the decisions at EU
level as well as the requirement in the
Paris Agreement on intensifying the
ambitions every five years help. But
there is a lot more to do. Hence, a lot
of effort should be directed toward
concluding agreements that will not
be scrapped when the government
changes. It is also about companies
being able to count on their investment
opportunities for a number of years
in the future. And there is a need for
billions in private investment funds.
8.
The most important task for
climate parliamentarians is to
create broad public understanding
of the climate challenges and the
necessary instruments. It requires a
well-founded balance between, on
the one hand, the many opportunities
created by the climate initiative and, on
the other hand, the harsh situation that
we must face up to. The link between
climate action and job creation,
innovation and modernization must be
combined with information about the
risk of more uncertainty, serious refugee
problems and massive expenditures for
climate adaptation. It is important and
necessary to raise the voice, but also to
do it the right way.
9.
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Views from Nordic
parliamentarians
Robert Marshall, former Member of Parliament
in Iceland and the Nordic Council
It has been exactly one year since I left
parliament after a ten-year career as
a politician. During that decade, there was a
significant shift in the attitude of the public
when it came to global warming. I still regret,
however, that I did not use stronger language in
my work on this issue. We still have so far to go.
And what is at stake is so extremely important for
future generations. I wish I had spent more time
on climate change and less time on the day-to-
day skirmish of everyday politics that resulted in
nothing.
I think we should spend more money on informing
the public and getting people involved in the
many solutions available. I think every country should have a committee on global
warming, like in the UK, which has an educational role and also a follow-up role
to make sure that governments and municipalities are holding up their end of
international agreements.
The biggest challenge is the everyday special interests of businesses that refuse
to partake in this global challenge. A part of that problem is politicians who refuse
to acknowledge scientific data. The only way to tackle them is by informing the
public and staying focused on what's important and using every tool available to
get the message across. As an editor and a publisher of an outdoor magazine and
a working mountain guide in Iceland, I am reminded almost every day of what the
changes on our planet are doing to our glaciers. A global catastrophe is around the
corner if we do not do more.
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Satu Hassi,
Member of Parliament in Finland
Chairwoman for the Environment Committee, former
minister and former Member of the European Parliament.
For me, the biggest difficulty is the fact that most people seem not to
realize the magnitude and urgency of the problem – or crisis. Maybe this
is because there is no historic experience of climate change, what it means for
societies, families and individuals. The second difficulty is business lobbying,
which is very much made possible by the first mentioned problem.
What is needed is long and shorter term emission ceilings with ambitions in line
with the climate science. To eradicate subsidies for fossils and practices that are
harmful for climate protection. And create markets and strong incentives for
climate-friendly technologies and solutions.
Climate policy is not a policy sector; climate protection means fundamental
changes in several policy sectors, if not all. In the real world it's not possible
to solve either climate or global poverty, we must solve both. My experience is
that hard political work is crucial. I played a role in the negotiations which led
to agreement on more detailed rules for the Kyoto Protocol, later known as The
Marrakech Accords, which made The Kyoto Protocol rectifiable for industrialized
countries. And in the European Parliament, I was one of the MEPs pushing
through higher climate ambition in EU decision-making.
FOTO: RIKSDAGEN I FINLAND
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Matilda Ernkrans,
Member of Parliament in Sweden
Chairwoman for the Committee on Environment and Agriculture
I was very proud when Prime Minister Stefan Löfven, in the yearly
declaration of the government, announced that Sweden would become
the world's first fossil-free welfare country. It is a very bold goal. The historic
agreement on our new climate policy framework will be an important means
to achieve this. The framework contains a long-term goal of reducing climate
emissions by 85 per cent by 2045, a climate law and the establishment of a
committee on climate change.
I myself had the privilege of participating in the negotiations between the parties
that concluded the agreement. A key success factor was the fact that the two
biggest parties in parliament, from both sides of the aisle – the Social Democrats
and the Moderate Party – decided that Sweden needed such an agreement. And
that people within these parties had the courage to bring them to the negotiation
table. It was also of crucial importance that the world agreed upon the Paris
Agreement, and this gave us the last push in order to finalize the agreement in
Sweden.
The political battle for the climate is now instead about the budget. Unfortunately,
mobilising sufficient funds to fulfil the climate
commitment has not followed the same good
pattern. The budget from the red-green
government for 2018 contains the biggest
investment in climate and environment that any
Swedish government has ever made, and I hoped
that all the parties would support it. However,
that is not the case. As I see the future battle for
climate, it will be about the level of investments.
FOTO: RIKSDAGEN I SVERIGE.
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Jens Joel,
Member of Parliament in Denmark
In Bangladesh, I've visited families whose homes were regularly flooded
and who saved their children by tying them to trees when storms and high
water levels struck. In China, I've seen urban communities converted to green
district heating because it gave them a better life. And in West Jutland, I've met
industrial workers who have a job to wake up to each day because their companies
provide sustainable solutions.
The first experience is the reason why we're morally and politically obliged to act.
The last two are the reasons why we'll succeed. Climate policy is no longer driven
only by fear of what's happening in the world's poorest countries and for our
children and grandchildren's globe if we fail to transform our society in time.
Climate policy now also deals with the new opportunities for cleaner air in our
cities and more jobs, as the world's investments turn in a green direction.
I believe in international climate cooperation. There's a need for political pressure.
But in the negotiations, the arguments about new opportunities have a much
greater appeal than fear. And when it comes to practice, it's far more valuable
that Denmark and the EU can provide a technical solution and a product that
works than what we've said to developing and emerging economies during the
negotiations.
FOTO: FOLKETINGET I DANMARK
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Ola Elvestuen, Member of Parliament in Norway and
Chair of the Standing Committee on Energy and the Environment
If there is one thing we have succeeded with in climate policy in Norway,
it is getting more zero-emission cars out onto our roads. It gets the
emissions down, makes the air cleaner and allows people to save money they
would otherwise spend on petrol and diesel. But it is a success that has required
hard work over a long period of time. There are especially three things I have
learned from working with Norwegian electric car policy over several decades,
which I hope may be of use to climate politicians who work with other issues in
other countries.
Things take time, but realistic goals will be achieved.
There is nothing easier for a
political body than to adopt an ambitious goal, and there is nothing easier for an
environmental party than to have an election campaign based on raising the bar
a bit higher. But the goals themselves contribute absolutely nothing to cutting
emissions. Only concrete measures can do this, and it is often more difficult to get
a majority for these, especially if they are at the expense of something, whether
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FOTO: STORTINGET / TERJE HEIESTAD
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it is government revenue or people's desire to drive a car everywhere. Therefore,
the goals we set ourselves must be realistic and be built upon a solid, professional
foundation. If the politicians adopt a goal that the experts view as completely
impossible to reach, nobody will work to get as close to the goal as possible.
We politicians must give the experts time, space and, especially, a realistic
opportunity to reach the goals we adopt. Otherwise we will get nowhere.
Everyone must be able to contribute, and all contributions must be important.
The Norwegian electric vehicle success story has come as a result of political
decisions in the Storting (The Norwegian Parliament), but also in a number of
municipalities and county councils across the country. It is much easier to get
people on board if there is something concrete with which they can contribute. If
a city politician in my party wants to increase the proportion of electric cars in his
municipality, they can do something themselves to make it happen, At the same
time, I can help them get more instruments through my position in the Storting.
All politicians want to succeed with what they are working on, and we can do so
only if all contributions are important.
You must never give up, and nothing is done before it is completed.
The first time
we decided to give special preferences for electric vehicles in Norway, we said
they would last until 50,000 of them were sold in Norway. We have achieved that
goal a while ago, but we have nevertheless continued the preferential benefits.
Because they work, and because they are important for us to be able to continue
to replace the fossil-fuel stock of vehicles at a rapid pace for many years to come.
We have not reached the finish line just because the Storting adopts a goal that
all cars sold in Norway after 2025 must be zero-emission cars, simply because
there are still several years to 2025. The goal in itself is important but not nearly
as important, or as difficult to reach, as the tools to achieve it.
Climate policy requires endurance, patience and a good dose of stubbornness. It
requires us to tolerate being scolded, both when we succeed and when we don't
succeed. But it is worth it. For the reward is a better world for those who come
after us. It is worth fighting for, every day, every budget, every debate.
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FOTO: UNSPLASH
FOTO: UNSPLASH
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The long term
2018 will be an important year – three
years after COP21. It will also be the
year that focuses on the 1.5 degree
goal and thereby the gap in the effort,
which UN Environment pointed out at
COP21. According to current prognoses
we have today, researchers will present
more warnings. The need for stronger
reductions and greater efforts for
climate adaptation is already more
evident, at the same time as the
discussion of the economic transfers
from rich to poor countries will become
more intense.
We need to think more long-term.
Precisely for this reason, we cannot wait.
The long term is now.
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Abbreviations
The global discussion on climate includes many abbreviations and technical terms.
For a climate parliamentarian, it is necessary to be familiar with these abbreviations
and negotiation terms. We have therefore provided the list below. But it is also
a good idea not to use these terms in the public debate, which is about getting
everyone involved.
COP
EEA
ETS
EU
GHG
Conference of the Parties
European Economic Area
Emissions Trading System
European Union
Greenhouse gases including carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide,
chlorofluorocarbons and hydrofluorocarbons
GLOBE
Global Legislators Organization for a Balanced Environment
ICAO
International Civil Aviation Organisation
IPCC
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IMO
International Maritime Organisation
LULUCF
Land Use Land Use Change and Forestry
NDC
National Determined Contributions
UNFCCC
United Framework Convention on Climate Change
SDG
Sustainable Development Goal
IEA
International Energy Agency
References
Climate Change Laws of the World,
the database can be found at the website
www.lse.ac.uk
Climate Change 2014,
Synthesis Report, Summary for Policymakers, IPCC.
Global Climate Atlas,
can be found at the website www.globalcarbonatlas.org
Klimapolitikk i Norden,
Cicero, report 2016:07.
Nordic Energy Technology Perspectives 2016,
International Energy Agency.
The Paris Agreement,
autentic text can be found at the website www.unfccc.it
Nordic Energy Co-operation:
Strong today – stronger tomorrow, Jorma Ollila.
Nordic Council of Ministers,
2017.
The Climate Parliament,
www.climateparl.net
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About the author
For more than 30 years, Steen
Gade has been active in climate and
environmental issues. He has been
a Danish climate and environmental
politician, climate representative for
the Nordic Council, Director of the
Danish Environmental Protection
Agency, Vice President of the European
Environment Agency and active in
GLOBE. He has participated in 14
climate summits, and today he works
as an adviser to the Nordic Council in
connection with the annual climate
summits.
FOTO: STEEN GADE
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Nordic Council
Nordens Hus
Ved stranden 18
DK-1061 Copenhagen K
www.norden.org
The parliamentarians around the world find themselves faced
with a major task of developing wise and effective climate
legislation, which can maintain the world on course with the
goals set by the Paris Agreement of 2015. Using legislation,
the parliaments must hold the government firm on an
overall climate goal. They must approve the laws that are a
prerequisite for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions
and create an understanding among their respective voters
for the measures deemed necessary to contribute to the
solution to the challenge of climate change.
Unfortunately, there is no blueprint and definitive answer to
the question of what constitutes good climate legislation.
Fortunately, however, there are now many experiences upon
which we can draw in order to reduce the risk that ambitions
for good climate laws are not fulfilled. In this handbook for
parliamentarians, Steen Gade, former MP in Denmark and
former member of the Nordic Council, has collected some
of the experiences of climate legislation and parliamentary
climate work that has been carried out in the Nordic
countries so far. The book contains some advice and tips on
how to become a climate clever parliamentarian. The Nordic
Council decided to publish this book in the hope that both
current and future generations of parliamentarians in the
Nordic countries, as well as in other countries, will be inspired
and benefit from it, in the effort to limit the dangerous
effects of global climate change.
ANP 2017:765
ISBN 978-92-893-5235-2 (PRINT)
ISBN 978-92-893-5236-9 (PDF)
ISBN 978-92-893-5237-6 (EPUB)
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