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IZA DP No. 7096

PAPER

Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Annabelle Krause

Ulf Rinne

Klaus F. Zimmermann

DISCUSSION

December 2012

Forschungsinstitut

zur Zukunft der Arbeit

Institute for the Study

of Labor

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Anonymous Job Applications

in Europe

Annabelle Krause

IZA

Ulf Rinne

IZA

Klaus F. Zimmermann

IZA and University of Bonn

Discussion Paper No. 7096

December 2012

IZA

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Germany

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IZA Discussion Paper No. 7096

December 2012

ABSTRACT

Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Numerous empirical studies find a substantial extent of discrimination in hiring decisions.

Anonymous job applications have gained attention and popularity to identify and combat this

form of discrimination. To test whether their intended effects result in practice, in several

European countries such as Sweden, France and the Netherlands field experiments were

recently conducted. Also in Germany, a large field experiment has examined the practicability

and potentials of this approach. Against the background of the recent German findings as

novel evidence, this paper discusses the advantages and disadvantages of this new policy

proposal.

JEL Classification:

Keywords:

M51, J71, J78

anonymous job applications, discrimination, hiring

Corresponding author:

Ulf Rinne

IZA

P.O. Box 7240

53072 Bonn

Germany

E-mail:

[email protected]

The results of the German experiment have been reported in Krause et al. (2012b). We would like to

thank Martin Kahanec and two anonymous referees for valuable comments on an earlier draft.

Furthermore, we are grateful to the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency, KOWA in Frankfurt/Oder, and

participating organizations for an excellent cooperation during the German experiment. We thank in

particular Ramona Alt, Ferda Ataman, Sebastian Bickerich, Ines Böschen, Jens Büttner, and Christine

Lüders. All remaining errors are our own.

Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Introduction

Discrimination is present in many markets around the world. It has, for example,

been documented in a broad range of consumer markets (Yinger, 1998). However,

labor market discrimination has received the most attention, both in the academic

literature as well as in the policy debate. The main focus is on characteristics such as

gender, race and ethnicity, and differences in employment patterns and earnings by

these characteristics that cannot be attributed to other (observable) characteristics.

More recently, an emerging strand of the literature explores the role of “beauty” in

determining labor market outcomes. Attributes such as weight, size or

attractiveness appear to matter for a broad range of labor market outcomes,

including earnings, and are also able to explain sorting behavior into different

occupations (see, e.g., Hamermesh and Biddle, 1994; Biddle and Hamermesh, 1998).

A crucial dimension of labor market discrimination is the access to jobs. Unequal

access to employment opportunities across population groups has important

implications for the short- and long-term labor market outcomes of individuals who

are affected. Indeed, a large number of empirical studies document a substantial

extent of discrimination in hiring decisions. Examples for such studies that typically

use correspondence tests include Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) for the United

States, Carlsson and Rooth (2007) for Sweden, and Kaas and Manger (2012) for

Germany. Discrimination in recruitment decisions is a market failure because it

should be in the employers’ own interest to hire the most productive workers—

irrespective of their gender, race or ethnicity.

Anonymous job applications gain attention and popularity as an attractive

policy intervention to reduce or even eliminate discrimination in hiring.

Discrimination becomes impossible if applicants’ characteristics which employers

may discriminate against are unknown and it is not possible to deduce these

characteristics indirectly. However, the concept is not a fundamentally new idea.

Anonymous or “blind” procedures have already been used in other areas. For

example, Blank (1991) analyzes the effects of double-blind and single-blind

reviewing processes at an economic journal. Goldin and Rouse (2000) investigate the

impacts of blind auditions to select members of symphony orchestras. These

experiences show that it is generally possible to decide anonymously.

However, anonymity appears in stark contrast to the zeitgeist. Millions of

individuals increasingly use virtual social networks and similar pages on the internet,

where they provide extensive information about themselves—which is moreover

often publicly available. The amount of information goes even beyond the amount

that is included in very comprehensive application documents. Similarly, in Asian

countries such as South Korea, providing very detailed and extensive information in

application forms is the standard. On the other hand, there are countries like the

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

United States where applications include much less information than what is

typically the case in European countries. Hence, any discussion about anonymous

job applications is also related to the question of the optimal amount of information

included in application documents.

This paper contributes to the ongoing and lively debate about anonymous job

applications. Can this instrument prevent employers from hiring discrimination? And

if so, what are the related costs? We first summarize the main findings of

experiments with anonymous job applications in Europe in Section 2 and present

novel empirical results from the recent German experiment in Section 3. Against this

background, we then comprehensively discuss and analyze the potentials and limits

of anonymous job applications in Section 4. Finally, we conclude in Section 5.

Recent Experiments in European Countries

What are the effects of anonymous job applications on the callback rates of minority

applicants? To answer this question, a number of field experiments have recently

been conducted in European countries, including relatively large-scale experiments

in France, the Netherlands and Sweden.

The French government initiated an experiment in 2010 and 2011 which was

implemented by the French public employment service. It involved about 1,000

firms in eight local labor markets and it lasted in total for about ten months

(Behaghel et al., 2011). The experiments’ main findings can be summarized as

follows. First, women benefit from higher callback rates with anonymous job

applications—at least if they compete with male applicants for a job. However, for

roughly half of the vacancies included in the experiment only female candidates or

only male candidates applied. Second, migrants and residents of deprived

neighborhoods suffer from anonymous job applications. Their callback rates are

lower with anonymous job applications than with standard applications. Third,

recruiters who tend to invite candidates with similar characteristics to them are not

able to continue to do so. This conscious or unconscious behavior of “homophily” is

therefore prevented with anonymous job applications, importantly with persistent

effects in later stages of the recruitment process.

In the Netherlands, two experiments took place in the public administration of

one major Dutch city in 2006 and 2007. The experiments focus on ethnic minorities.

More specifically, a distinction is made between applicants with and without foreign

(i.e., non-Western) sounding names. Bøg and Kranendonk (2011) emphasize in their

study the lower callback rates for minority candidates with standard applications,

but their analysis also reveals that these differences disappear with anonymous job

applications. With regards to job offers, however, the authors do not detect any

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

differences between minority and majority candidates—irrespective of whether or

not their resumes are treated anonymously. This indicates that even with standard

applications, discrimination against minorities in interview invitations disappears at

the job offer stage.

Åslund and Nordström Skans (2012) analyze an experiment conducted in parts

of the local administration in the Swedish city of Gothenburg between 2004 and

2006. Based on a difference-in-differences approach, the authors find that

anonymous job applications increase the chances of an interview invitation for both

women and applicants of non-Western origin when compared to standard

applications. These increased chances for minority candidates in the first stage also

translate into a higher job offer arrival rate for women, but not for migrants.

Next to these relatively large-scale experiments, a smaller-scale experiment

provides additional insights on the effects of anonymous job applications. Krause et

al. (2012a) analyze a randomized experiment at a European economic research

institution. Data on interview invitations is empirically analyzed for a particular labor

market of economists who apply for post-doctoral positions. Results indicate that

anonymous job applications are in general not associated with a different invitation

probability. However, whereas female applicants have a higher probability to receive

an invitation than male applicants with standard applications, this difference

disappears with anonymous job applications. The underrepresented gender is thus

hurt by anonymous job applications. Small-scale applications of anonymous job

applications can also be found in other countries such as Switzerland and Belgium.

However, these applications have in common that no rigorous empirical evaluations

are available (yet).

The results on the effects of anonymous job applications from experiments in

Europe are therefore in general encouraging. In most cases, anonymous job

applications lead to the desired effect of increasing the interview invitation

probabilities of disadvantaged groups. However, some results point into the

direction that anonymity prevents employers from favoring minority applicants

when credentials are equal—at least in the initial stage of the hiring process.

Results from a recent experiment in Germany provide additional insights. Effects

may be different since in Germany, application documents contain a lot of

information of the applicant. These documents typically include a cover letter and a

CV, usually covering personal characteristics such as the name, contact details, date

and place of birth as well as a picture of the applicant.

If, for example, gender or ethnicity were a signal of labor costs, higher callback rates may

be resulting from an employers’ perception of cheaper labor costs for minority workers. In

this case, higher callback rates of minority workers in the initial situation may be due to

lower expected wages, and not due to affirmative action. Although it appears unlikely that

such a mechanism is present, we cannot rule out that it is the case.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

The German Experiment

In early 2010, the publication of a correspondence testing study for Germany (Kaas

and Manger, 2012) triggered a lively public debate about discrimination in the hiring

decisions of German firms. The study finds that applicants with a Turkish-sounding

name are on average 14 percentage points less likely to receive an invitation for a

job interview than applicants with a German-sounding name who are otherwise

similar. In small- and medium-sized firms, this difference is even larger and amounts

to 24 percentage points. Against this background and inspired by experiments in

other European countries, the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency initiated a field

experiment with anonymous job applications in Germany to investigate their

potential in combating hiring discrimination.

3.1 Project Setup and Evaluation Design

The German experiment officially commenced in November 2010 and lasted for

twelve months in each of the participating organizations (Krause et al., 2012b). In

total, eight organizations

voluntarily

joined the experiment. Among those

organizations were four international companies, one medium-sized firm, and three

public administrations. These organizations committed themselves to review

anonymous job applications in specific departments for different types of jobs. The

vacant jobs included apprentices, students, specialists as well as management

positions. The characteristics that were made anonymous include the applicant’s

name and contact details, gender, nationality, date and place of birth, disability,

marital status and the applicant’s picture. Additionally, any information about

professional experience should only indicate the duration of employment spells and

not their actual start date or end date.

Importantly, applications were treated

anonymously only in the first stage the recruitment process, i.e., when recruiters

decide about which candidates to invite for a job interview. However, as soon as the

interview invitations had been sent out, the candidates’ identity was revealed.

The goal of this project was twofold. First, a qualitative evaluation should shed

light on the practicability of anonymous job applications. For this purpose,

structured interviews with the respective recruiters and a survey among the

applicants were conducted. The practicability of four different methods was

examined which are in principal suited to make sensitive information anonymous:

a) standardized application forms in which sensitive information is not included;

b) refinements of existing online application forms such that sensitive information is

disabled; c) copying applicant’s non-sensitive information into another document;

This procedure should ensure that the risk of deducing minority group membership status

(and age) from other characteristics is minimized in the experiment.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

and d) blackening sensitive information in the original application documents.

Results on practicability are reported in Section 3.2.

As a second goal of the experiment, the effects of anonymous job applications

on interview invitation probabilities should be empirically investigated. The

necessary data on applicants was collected by the participating organizations during

the project. To empirically investigate the effects of anonymous job applications on

interview invitation probabilities, we conduct a two-step analysis. In both steps, we

apply linear probability models.

First, using data on anonymous job applications only, we analyze whether

interview invitation probabilities systematically differ by gender and migration

background when these characteristics are unknown to the recruiters. Our

hypothesis is that, if the anonymization is effective, the applicants’ anonymous

characteristics cannot determine the interview invitation probability. Such influence

could only be present in two cases. One possibility is that recruiters are able to

deduce minority group membership status from other characteristics. Another

possibility is that minority group membership status is correlated with other

characteristics such as, for example, educational attainment or professional

experience.

Second, to detect possible effects of introducing anonymous job applications,

we compare the situation of anonymous job applications with a counterfactual

situation, i.e., a comparable situation with standard job applications. Theoretically,

three different effects are possible if we assume that anonymous job applications

eliminate any differential treatment of minority groups. First, anonymous job

applications may cause the interview invitation probabilities of minority groups to

increase and to equalize with those of majority groups. In this situation, minority

groups are discriminated against with standard applications. Second, if

discrimination is not present with standard applications, anonymous job applications

have no effect on interview invitation probabilities. Third, if instruments such as

affirmative action are applied through which minority groups actually benefit from

higher interview invitation probabilities with standard applications, the introduction

of anonymous job applications may cause interview invitation probabilities of

minority groups to decrease. Given that the hiring processes are very heterogeneous

(sometimes even within the same organization) with respect to the type of vacancy,

the method that is used to make sensitive information anonymous and the number

of applicants, we conduct our analysis separately for each hiring process. Results on

the effects of anonymous job applications are for one example recruitment process

reported in Section 3.3, and for all processes in Section 3.4.

An overview of all hiring processes is given in Table 1. For nine processes are

data on the anonymous job applications available. Additionally, the organizations

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

provided data on control groups for seven out of nine processes. The number of

applications range from 27 to over 800 per hiring process which provides some

indication for the heterogeneity between the different processes. Copying non-

sensitive information into another document is used only once as method of

anonymization, whereas blackening is the most frequent method. Certain

descriptive statistics of processes 1, 4, 8 and 9 stand out. 93 percent of the

applicants in process 1 are female, whereas this applies to only to 2 percent of the

applicants in process 4. Migrants usually make up at least 17 percent of the

applicants. However, in process 8 this number is only 3 percent. Finally, the callback

rate in process 9 is 93 percent, which is unusually high. The organization explains

this number with a surprisingly high incidence of refusals by the candidates, a

generally rather less qualified cohort of applicants and a slow progression of the

recruitment process. Most control groups come either from recruitment processes

of similar vacancies in the past (e.g., from the preceding year) or from hiring

processes for similar vacancies, which take place simultaneously to the anonymous

hiring process. Process 7 is an exception in this regard, as in this organization the

applicants were reviewed in the standard way without anonymization which led to

interview invitations. These same applications were subsequently anonymously

reviewed by other recruiters, which are similar in demographic characteristics and

experience to the first recruiter team according to the organization. This second

review represents the control group for this process, although it did not lead to any

interview invitation, but was entirely fictitious. This situation is difficult, given that

the recruiters knew about their fictitious review, and needs to be taken into account

in the empirical analysis.

3.2 Results on Practicability

The results of the qualitative evaluation can be summarized as follows.

Both,

recruiters and applicants do not report major practical problems in implementing

anonymous job applications. In particular, the use of a standardized application form

appears as a very efficient method—at least, once such a form is developed. As a

non-negligible side effect, a standardized application form increases comparability

between the applicants. Organizations which used this method even consider

continuing with anonymous job applications after the experiment. In contrast, in

particular the method of blackening the applications is a very time-consuming and

error-prone technique. Irrespective of the implementation method, most recruiters

appreciate being forced to reconsider their own recruitment practices as well as the

The qualitative evaluation was conducted by the

Kooperationsstelle Wissenschaft und

Arbeitswelt an der Europa-Universität Viadrina

(KOWA). Krause et al. (2012b) discuss the

results in more detail.

–6–

Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

stronger focus on qualifications and skills that results with anonymous job

applications. Recruiters regard particularly the removal of the applicant’s picture as

a positive development, since pictures often lead to misleading first impressions in

the reviewing process. Moreover, when hiring anonymously, the organizations can

present themselves as open-minded employers that aim at objective selection

processes. Several recruiters rate this as a benefit for their corporate image.

All applicants who applied via an anonymous standardized application form

were asked to answer a short survey about their experiences with this application

method. As only the candidates who were reviewed with this method actively take

notice of the anonymous job applications, this survey population displays a selection

out of all applicants that were part of the experiment. About 41 percent of the

applicants self-evaluate their chances to receive an interview invitation as higher

with anonymous job applications and about 33 percent rate their chances to be

equal between anonymous and non-anonymous hiring methods. About 48 percent

of the respondents generally prefer anonymous job applications over standard ones,

whereas 31 percent prefer the opposite. Moreover, a majority of 44 percent do not

rate the time spent for the application process as being different between

anonymous and standard applications, whereas 31 percent claim to need more time

for standard applications. In addition, more than half of the applicants (54 percent)

declare that the potential to present themselves is higher with anonymous job

applications or that it is at least not different from that with standard applications.

3.3 Quantitative Effects: Example Recruitment Process

We first describe the effects of anonymous job applications for one specific

recruitment process in detail (see Table 1, process 8). We select this process as an

example because of a relatively large sample size and because data on two different

control groups are available. We have information about 809 applicants whose

applications were anonymously reviewed during the experiment. About half of these

applicants are female, about 3 percent have a migration background and their

average age is 20 years. The applicants have on average less than one year of work

experience, report less than one previous employer, and completed two internships.

About one third receives an interview invitation as the outcome of the first stage in

this hiring process.

Table 2 shows the analysis of the determinants of the interview invitation

probability with anonymous job applications in this example. In this first step, we

only consider those candidates whose applications were anonymously reviewed.

Both potentially disadvantaged groups of female applicants and applicants with a

migration background have a slightly higher probability to be invited for interview

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

compared to men and natives, respectively.

However, these differences are not

statistically significant in column (1). When controlling for additional characteristics

of the applicants such as age, educational attainment and number of internships in

column (2), the coefficient of the female dummy drops and becomes virtually zero.

The coefficient of the migrant dummy slightly increases, but remains statistically

insignificant. In this example, it thus appears that female applicants and applicants

with a migration background do not face systematically different interview invitation

probabilities when their applications are anonymously reviewed.

In the second part of our empirical analysis we analyze the effects of

introducing anonymous job applications. To compare the situation of anonymous

job applications with the counterfactual situation of standard applications, data for

two potential control groups is available in the example of this specific recruitment

process. The first potential control group consists of applicants who applied for the

same vacancy in the previous year using standard applications. This group would

represent an appropriate control group if no other changes had occurred between

the two years besides the fact that applications were anonymously reviewed in

2011. The group of applicants in 2010 consists of 1,357 individuals and is therefore

by about 500 applicants larger than in 2011 when applications were anonymously

reviewed. However, there are no significant differences in the shares of female or

migrant applicants, or in the applicants’ average age. In both groups, equal shares of

applicants have completed the general qualification for university entrance or the

qualification for technical college entrance. Only the number of internships is

significantly different as candidates in 2010 report on average only one internship.

Table 3 displays the results of the comparison between the two recruitment

processes in 2010 and 2011. Results in the first row of columns (1) and (2) indicate

that the interview invitation probability is about 6 to 8 percentage points higher for

applicants who are anonymously treated. However, this difference might be related

to the different number of applicants. Fewer individuals applied in 2011 when

applications were anonymously reviewed, which could result in a higher overall

share of interview invitations. Results in columns (1) and (2) moreover show that

female applicants are significantly more likely to be invited for an interview—

irrespective of whether they belong to the treatment or control group. Results in

column (3) include, in addition to the treatment dummy and the dummy variables

for the two demographic groups, two interaction terms between these variables.

The coefficient on the interaction term between women and anonymous job

applications indicates that female applicants are about 9 percentage points less

likely to receive an interview invitation when their applications are anonymously

Since the variation in the applicants’ age is relatively small within the hiring processes in the

experiment, our analysis solely focuses on effects by gender and migration background.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

reviewed. To estimate the causal effect of anonymous job applications on the

interview invitation probability for female applicants compared to female applicants

who were recruited with standard applications, we calculate the sum of the

treatment dummy and the interaction term. This overall effect of anonymous job

applications for female applicants is not statistically significant, and hence we do not

find a systematic effect of anonymous job applications for this group. Applicants

with a migration background are more likely to receive an interview invitation with

anonymous job applications as indicated by the coefficient on the interaction term

for migrants. Although this difference is not statistically significant, there is a

positive significant overall effect of anonymous job applications for applicants with a

migration background. With about 30 percentage points this effect is moreover

quite substantial. Therefore, the comparison with this control group reveals no

effect of anonymous job applications for women, but migrants benefit from higher

interview invitation rates when applications are anonymously reviewed.

The second potential control group consists of applicants which are part of the

same cohort of applicants as the treatment group, with the only difference that their

applications were not anonymously reviewed. The treatment group was made

artificially smaller since the organization started to anonymously review applications

only after the recruitment process had already started. This first part of the cohort

of applicants in 2011 thus constitutes a second potential control group. It includes

129 individuals and is therefore substantially smaller than the treatment group.

However, applicants’ characteristics are similar in both groups and do not

significantly differ. The only exception is the share of individuals with a migration

background, which is 7 percent in the control group and thus exceeds the respective

share in the treatment group by about 4 percentage points.

Table 4 displays the results of the comparison in interview invitation rates

between these two groups. Columns (1) and (2) show that interview invitation

probabilities do not significantly differ by treatment status, gender and migration

background. When additionally including interaction terms in column (3), we find

that female applicants are more likely to receive an interview invitation with

standard applications. Female applicants’ advantage, however, disappears with

anonymous job applications. Our analysis moreover reveals a negative overall effect

of anonymous job applications for women. More precisely, the chances of female

applicants to be invited for an interview decrease with anonymous job applications

by about 14 percentage points when compared to standard applications. In contrast

to the results from the analysis with the first control group, we do not detect any

significant effects of anonymous job applications for migrants. This could, however,

be due to the smaller sample size of this control group.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

The effects of anonymous job applications in this organization can therefore be

summarized as follows. First, female applicants and individuals with a migration

background have the same chances to receive an interview invitation with

anonymous job applications. Second, the effects of introducing anonymous job

applications differ for female applicants and applicants with a migration background.

The latter group seems to benefit from anonymous job applications. The interview

invitation probability of migrants is significantly higher when their applications are

anonymously reviewed, at least based on the comparison with the previous year’s

recruitment process. This result could be interpreted as the first type of a causal

effect, namely that previously existing discrimination is eliminated. However, our

results indicate the opposite effect for female applicants. At least when we use the

second potential control group in this example, women are significantly less likely to

receive an interview invitation with anonymous job applications than with standard

applications. This could indicate that previous affirmative action to promote the

chances of female applicants is not possible anymore when the applicant’s gender is

unknown. The effects of anonymous job applications therefore depend by and large

on the initial situation.

3.4 Quantitative Effects: Overview

Including the example of the previously discussed specific recruitment process in

one organization, data are available for a total of nine different recruitment

processes that were part of the German experiment. For most of these processes,

data on potential control groups are also available. Tables 5 and 6 display the results

for these recruitment processes obtained from the same two-step empirical analysis

as in case of the previously discussed specific recruitment process.

Accordingly, Table 5 displays the analysis of interview invitation probabilities

only for those applicants that were anonymously treated in these recruitment

processes. Next to dummy variables indicating gender and migration background,

the regressions include additional control variables depending on data availability.

Assuming that sensitive information was effectively removed from the applications

and that we control for relevant qualifications and skills in our regressions, we

expect no significant differences in the interview invitation probabilities for minority

groups. And indeed, this is the case for nearly all recruitment procedures. Exceptions

are three procedures, where female applicants have higher chances to receive an

interview invitation and one case where migrants are less likely to be invited for an

interview. There are, however, plausible explanations for these results. For example,

the share of female applicants in recruitment process 1 is about 93 percent and

therefore any results regarding the applicants’ gender should be interpreted with

caution. The positive effect for female applicants in procedure 3 could be due to

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

omitted variables, i.e., variables that the recruiters observe, but we do not have

information about—such as grades in high school diplomas. These grades might be

on average higher for females than for males in Germany (see, e.g., BMFSFJ, 2004).

A similar argument holds for the negative effect for migrants, since recruiters might

have information about the qualification of the applicants that we do not have,

which can lead to a seemingly lower interview invitation probability.

Table 6 displays the results of the effects of introducing anonymous job

applications. The data on potential control groups stem from either past or

simultaneous recruitment processes for vacancies that are comparable to the

vacancies for which the organizations anonymously recruited. The results of the

empirical analysis can be categorized into the previously discussed three different

effects: a) elimination of discrimination, b) no effect because no discrimination was

present initially, and c) elimination of affirmative action. For instance, the results for

recruitment processes 5 and 6 may be viewed as examples for the elimination of

discrimination against female applicants. Interestingly, the applicants’ average work

experience in these recruitment processes is between 6 and 8 years, which could be

a crucial period in a women’s typical working life. Recruiters might anticipate a

possible desire to have children, which could have a negative effect on their

invitation probability if gender is known. Process 8a may also be viewed as an

example for this type of effect of anonymous job applications, but in this case for

individuals with a migration background. In contrast, the recruitment processes 1

and 7 may be viewed as examples for the second type of effects (“no effect because

no discrimination was present initially”). Finally, the recruitment processes 2 and 8b

may be viewed as examples for the last category of causal effects, i.e., a situation in

which affirmative action is no longer possible. This seems to be the case for migrant

applicants in the former recruitment process and for female applicants in the latter

recruitment process. Special cases in our analysis are the recruitment processes 9a

and 9b since in both cases, the interview invitation probability with anonymous job

applications amounts to 93 percent. Hence, virtually

all

applicants are invited which

makes the interpretation of any effects basically impossible.

We find for most recruitment processes statistically significant differences in the

interview invitation probabilities between anonymous and standard applications for

all

applicants. However, the direction of the effect is not consistent. The interview

invitation probability is higher when applicants are anonymously reviewed in some

cases, and it is lower in other cases. These differences are unexpected and it is not

clear why such differences should exist. Possible explanations include a certain lack

of familiarity with the new method, which should disappear after some time. Other

factors that may serve as explanations include a different number of applicants or a

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

different number of vacant jobs that are to be filled in the recruitment processes

underlying our treatment and control groups.

Altogether, we find that once applicants are anonymously reviewed, the

interview invitation probability is in general not influenced by gender and by

migration background. This confirms our initial hypothesis that when information

about minority group membership is unknown, minority applicants

cannot

face

systematically different interview invitation probabilities. It furthermore appears

that the introduction of anonymous job applications can lead to a reduction of

discrimination—if discrimination is present in the initial situation. Anonymous job

application can also have no effects if no discrimination is present initially, and they

can stop measures such as affirmative action that may have been present before. In

any case, the effects of anonymous job applications depend on the initial situation.

There are, however, certain limitations to the analysis of the German

experiment that should be kept in mind when interpreting the empirical results.

First, the participating organizations voluntarily joined the experiment and appear as

a positive and non-representative selection of German firms and administrations.

Most of them had already applied measures such as affirmative action to promote

minority groups before joining the experiment. Second, it was not possible to design

the experiment as a truly randomized experiment. Hence, our evaluation relies on

non-experimental evidence from a comparison with potential control groups. Third,

data on these potential control groups were of relatively poor quality and doubts

remain whether they adequately approximate the counterfactual situation. Fourth,

we restrict our analysis on the effects of anonymous job applications on the

interview invitation probabilities for female applicants and applicants with a

migration background. Given the number of observations in the experiment, it is not

possible to investigate effects on job offer rates, and also not if effects result in

terms of other characteristics employers may discriminate against (e.g., age). Due to

these limitations our results should be interpreted with caution and should be

viewed as indications of possible effects.

Nevertheless, the German experiment shows that anonymous job applications

can be practically implemented without excessive costs. Additionally, they can lead

to equal opportunities for minority groups of applicants. Because the participating

organizations are a positive selection of German firms, it seems moreover plausible

to assume that the effects of anonymous job applications would be even larger in a

representative sample of German firms.

We do not detect any systematic pattern in our results regarding the different methods of

anonymization.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Potentials and Limits of Anonymous Job Applications

Anonymous job applications are based on a very straightforward intuition: Removing

information about characteristics employers may discriminate against should reduce

or even eliminate discrimination. Making a decision about who should be invited for

an interview based on unknown information about minority group membership

status becomes impossible. Discrimination is thus prevented, at least in the initial

stage of the recruitment process.

Both, the results of the various European experiments and of the German

experiment predominantly show that anonymous job applications can lead to the

desired effect of increasing the interview invitation probabilities of disadvantaged

groups. However, there are indications for exactly the opposite effect, namely that

anonymity prevents employers from

favoring

minority applicants. In particular, our

analysis of the heterogeneous data from the German experiment shows that the

initial situation is crucial. Three different conditions can initially exist: discrimination,

affirmative action, and equality of opportunity. Not surprisingly, the effects of

anonymous job applications are as heterogeneous as the initial situation to be

changed. This result is in line with findings from the various European experiments.

It often appears that the introduction of anonymous job applications is beneficial for

a particular minority group in a given experiment, whereas another minority group

does not benefit to the same extent—although the setting is the same.

4.1 The Limited Scope of Anonymous Job Applications

Any discussion about the potentials and limits of anonymous job applications should

therefore start by asking what their goal and purposes should exactly be. The

answer which is most often given is that anonymous job applications aim at reducing

discrimination of disadvantaged groups in the hiring process, which is sometimes

connected with the objective to increase diversity at the workplace. This goal relies

on the assumption that discrimination is present in the initial situation, and that it is

based on characteristics which are not included in anonymous job applications.

Another goal which is often mentioned is that firms should hire the most productive

workers irrespective of personal information and preferences. This goal also relies

on the assumption of discrimination, but in this case it can arise from two directions

as no applicant should either be discriminated or favored, but solely reviewed and

assessed according to his or her skills and qualifications. Although the two different

goals can overlap, they are not necessarily the same.

It may also be the case that applications are not completely anonymous, e.g., if certain

information such as episodes of maternity leave or military service allow drawing indirect

conclusions on minority group membership. Although this risk has been minimized in the

German experiment, one should in general be aware of this possibility.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

An example can illustrate this argument. Assume that a firm wants to hire the

most qualified workers and, at the same time, aims at increasing diversity among its

employees. This goal cannot be accomplished if any structural differences exist

before

individuals enter the labor market or in their previous labor market

experience. For example, is there equal access for individuals from minority groups

to education? How would such differences that are due to the education system

translate into differences in previous labor market experience, which is one main

source of information about productivity that is included in application documents?

Firms cannot hire the most qualified workers

and

simultaneously increase diversity if

minority groups have on average lower education outcomes. This example illustrates

the limited scope of anonymous job applications. Anonymous job applications

cannot eliminate any form of discrimination. They target at hiring decisions and shift

the focus towards the applicants’ skills and qualifications. However, if discrimination

in other instances leads to differences in this regard, solving this problem is beyond

the scope of anonymous job applications.

4.2 Employers’ Incentives to Hire Anonymously

With anonymous job applications, applicants are reviewed only based on objective

criteria. Firms can thus be confident to hire the most productive workers, and they

can credibly signal to do so. Once an efficient method of making applications

anonymous is developed and firms use for example a standardized application form,

comparability between applicants increases and, hence, recruiters spent less time

with the reviewing process. Another advantage of anonymous job applications from

the employers’ perspective is that the number and diversity of applicants may

increase. Some individuals, in particular those that are members of minority groups,

could be encouraged to apply because they anticipate to be anonymously reviewed.

With standard applications, they might not apply because they fear to be

discriminated against. Finally, if anonymous job applications reach their intended

goal and eliminate discrimination in hiring, this may increase diversity among

employees, which can in turn enhance productivity (Alesina and La Ferrara, 2005;

Hoogendoorn and van Praag, 2012).

However, the method of how applications are made anonymous is crucial,

especially from the employers’ perspective. A suboptimal implementation can be

very costly, time-consuming and error-prone. But even in the case of an optimal

implementation, firms have to change their established hiring routines. This

obviously involves a certain amount of investment. However, these investments can

at the same time lead to benefits such as a more efficient and less time-consuming

reviewing process. Firms that are committed to incorporate affirmative action are

prevented from doing so with anonymous job applications. This argument, however,

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

only holds for the first stage of the hiring process. Firms can still favor applicants

from minority groups in the interviewing stage—given that these applicants reach

this second stage.

Opponents of anonymous job applications often argue that discrimination is not

eliminated, but only postponed to later stages in the hiring process. This might be

true if employers consciously discriminate. Anonymous job applications’ potential

would then indeed be limited to the initial stage. However, it appears that

discrimination is mostly due to implicit and unconscious behavior (Ziegert and

Hanges, 2005). Discrimination is moreover found to be the strongest in the first

stage of the recruitment process, i.e., when employers decide about interview

invitations (Cediey and Foroni, 2008). Therefore, it seems reasonable to assume that

once candidates reach the second stage and a personal interview takes place,

discrimination will not be as relevant anymore. Exposure to prejudiced groups

seems to reduce thinking in stereotypes (Beaman et al., 2009), from which minority

applicants should benefit in the interview stage. Anonymous job applications could

thus have important effects beyond the first stage, e.g., on job offer rates.

4.3 The Optimal Context for Anonymous Job Applications

Considering the future perspective of anonymous job applications naturally leads to

the following questions: When do anonymous job applications work? And when do

they not work? It is generally true that the instrument of anonymous job

applications only has potential if there is a relevant initial size of discrimination.

Additionally, as mentioned before, one should keep in mind that anonymity shifts

the focus towards skills and qualifications. However, do minority groups have equal

access to those? Anonymous job applications are clearly not a universal remedy to

any type of discrimination related to the professional life.

As the method of how applications are made anonymous is crucial, the

implementation of anonymous job applications may be easier—and less costly—in

countries where applications include less information. International differences in

this respect are substantial. For example, Shackleton and Newell (1994) investigate

management selection methods in several European countries and conclude that a

country’s culture, tradition and habits influence the methods of selection in a given

company. This suggests first, that (national) recruitment cultures exist, and second,

that it might be difficult to reform these historically developed cultures. One crucial

factor in this regard is the amount of information in applications that is usually

provided by the candidates and the amount of information that is required by firms.

On the one hand, for example in Germany, application documents contain a lot of

information of the applicant. These documents typically include a cover letter and a

CV, usually covering personal characteristics such as the name, contact details, date

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

and place of birth as well as a picture of the applicant. In particular, including a

picture in the application seems to be culturally determined and, for example,

specific to German recruitment habits. Moreover, it can consciously or

unconsciously lead to good or bad impressions of the applicant, which in turn do not

necessarily reflect a correct assessment of the applicant. It may therefore come as

no surprise that removing the picture from the applications during the German

experiment led to positive assessments of the recruiters. Besides a cover letter and a

CV, applicants also include copies of the most important certificates and references.

Whereas this practice provides a rather comprehensive impression of the applicant,

standards are different in other countries. For example, the information that is

provided by applicants in the United States is rather limited. Due to a fear of getting

sued for discrimination, most firms do not even ask for detailed personal

characteristics. Suing employers for discrimination is rather common in the United

States and it can thus be seen as part of the recruitment culture. Explicitly asking for

a certain race or gender has been illegal since the 1960s (Darity and Mason, 1998).

Two examples of completely different approaches can be found in Asia. Kuhn

and Shen (2009) study gender discrimination in internet job advertisements in

China. They find that job posts are explicitly targeted at women or men, where the

incidence of targeting at one of the two genders is almost equally likely. Moreover,

in line with the findings of hiring discrimination being less prevalent in high-skilled

occupations, gender-targeted job advertisements in China are also much less

prevalent in jobs requiring more skills. This might be connected to the desire to find

the best candidate for these jobs, which might get more difficult when skill

requirements rise and the pool of potential candidates becomes smaller. However,

gender preferences and required skills for a specific job do not seem to be related to

each other—which is the case for other characteristics such as age, height and

beauty. For example, when young, tall and attractive workers should be hired, job

advertisements are usually targeted at women. Preferences for older workers lead

to job advertisements that are targeted at male applicants. Also in South Korea,

application forms can include very personal questions, such as having relatives living

in North Korea, health status, smoking and drinking habits, height and weight,

eyesight, blood type, financial status and homeownership (Hlasny, 2011). These

examples show that recruitment practices can differ greatly between countries. An

introduction of anonymous job applications would therefore present either a small

and incremental change or a large and fundamental reform of current recruitment

practices. It also implies that proponents and opponents of anonymous job

applications are differently powerful in a discussion about a possible

implementation in different countries.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

4.4 A Mandatory Introduction of Anonymous Job Applications?

The previous discussion leads us to two follow-up questions. Does a mandatory

country-wide implementation of anonymous job applications make sense? And are

specific laws or amendments of existing laws needed? The first question is obviously

related to our previous discussion of discrimination being not a uniform

phenomenon. For example, discrimination appears lower in high-skilled and more

competitive labor markets (Carlsson and Rooth, 2007; Krause et al., 2012a) and in

larger firms (Kaas and Manger, 2012), and thus the effects of anonymous job

applications are limited in such markets. Hence, a mandatory country-wide

implementation of anonymous job applications does not seem desirable. It could

nevertheless make sense to introduce anonymous job applications in specific

sectors, industries, firms or occupations. But even then, for certain jobs and

professions, anonymous hiring does not appear as a feasible solution. This includes,

for example, jobs in the worlds of sports, arts and letters, as well as business

leaders. More generally, recruitment processes in such “superstars jobs” (Rosen,

1981) work differently. It does not appear realistic that any firm would hire its future

CEO based on an anonymous job application. In addition, the degree of competition

in a particular labor market plays an important role for whether anonymous job

application can unfold their full potential. For example, if the number of applicants

for a vacant job is relatively low and virtually every applicant is invited for an

interview, an anonymous reviewing process is clearly not needed.

So far and to the best of our knowledge, no mandatory legislation enforcing

anonymous job applications on a country-wide level has been introduced. One

noticeable exception is a law that has been passed in France in 2006 which made

anonymous job applications mandatory for firms with more than 50 employees—at

least in principle. As the law lacks more detailed conditions for its range of coverage

and no sanctions are applied in case of noncompliance, the legislation has basically

no practical importance (Behaghel et al., 2011). It is nevertheless interesting that

from time to time laws are proposed that would introduce anonymous job

applications, even in countries where applications already include only a relatively

small amount of personal information. For example, Hausman (2012) proposes

anonymous hiring to be introduced in the United States. His concrete policy

proposal goes even beyond the standard approach as selection interviews should

also be eliminated. Interestingly, rather than applying sanctions in case of

noncompliance, incentives for firms to hire anonymously shall be provided. These

incentives could take, for example, the form of reduced liability insurance

premiums. Another proposal of an amendment regarding anonymous resumes was

made by the Liberal Democrats in the United Kingdom in 2009. However, the

proposal was rejected by the parliament.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Conclusions and Outlook

Anonymous job applications appear as an attractive policy instrument to combat

hiring discrimination. Nevertheless, they are very controversially discussed in the

public debate. Our paper backs this discussion by reconsidering the available

empirical evidence from field experiments testing anonymous job applications in

Europe. Against this background, we discuss the potentials and limits of this

approach. We particularly focus on novel evidence from an experiment organized by

the German Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency. Results show that anonymous job

applications can be practically implemented, but they also show that the method of

implementation is crucial. Standardized application forms which are completed by

the applicants appear as the most effective and efficient way to make applications

anonymous. Results show moreover that with anonymous job applications, all

applicant groups have the expected equal chances to receive an interview invitation

in nearly all recruitment processes. When analyzing the effects of introducing

anonymous job applications, we find that anonymous hiring can reduce

discrimination—if discrimination is present beforehand. Anonymous hiring can also

have no effects if no discrimination exists initially, and it can even prevent the

employer from applying measures such as affirmative action, at least in the first

stage of the hiring process.

Any discussion about anonymous job application should therefore be based on

the premise that their effects crucially depend on the initial situation in the

respective organization. Policymakers, recruiters and applicants should bear in mind

that anonymous hiring could make sense in a specific sector or in a certain job,

whereas it might not be appropriate in another. Moreover, anonymous job

applications specifically target at the initial stage of the recruitment process. Any

preexisting structural differences, and discrimination that is based on such

differences, can therefore

not

be overcome. Besides, context-specific information

may be interpreted differently if information about the identity of the candidate is

not available—and this can result in disadvantages for the applicant. For example, if

recruiters are not aware of the applicant’s family situation, migration background or

disadvantaged neighborhood, this information cannot be taken into account to

explain, e.g., below-average education outcomes, labor market experience or

language skills.

Anonymous job applications may, however, eliminate important productivity

potentials for companies and society. The more standardized application forms will

be, the less chances creative individuals will have to expose their productive

credentials. Avoided is also potential economically productive discrimination that

would rely on the power of the positively discriminated factor. If diversity of workers

leads to innovations and larger productivity, the creation of those external effects

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

should be wanted. At the end, any hiring is discrimination, e.g., selecting the good

instead of the poor candidate.

The debate about anonymous job applications also shows an interesting trend

in the policy approach towards it. Many European countries have conducted field

experiments to thoroughly evaluate their actual effects. This new approach towards

evidence-based policymaking should be used more often, also with respect to other

possible reforms or amendments of existing laws. Nevertheless, its potentials with

respect to anonymous hiring have not yet been completely utilized. For example,

the empirical evidence on effects on job offer rates is still relatively scarce. Until

now, to the best of our knowledge no reform or law exists which makes anonymous

job applications mandatory with all necessary conditions. However, from our point

of view this step is not necessary. It should be in the firms’ own interest to hire

discrimination-free, and with anonymous job applications, firms could credibly

commit themselves to do so. For example, some organizations of the German

experiment voluntarily continue to hire anonymously after the experiment ended.

What is the long-term perspective of anonymous job applications? This question

leads to several related questions. For example, when labor markets continue to

become more integrated and global, do application cultures inevitably converge?

And if so, does a “globalized application culture” automatically move towards the

United States’ equilibrium with applications that contain little personal information?

The current debate about anonymous job applications could initiate a change, or at

least reconsideration, of existing recruitment practices. Whether or not this process

will ultimately result in the introduction of anonymous job applications is not clear.

It may be the case that applications will be designed that focus more strongly on the

applicants’ skills and qualifications. In any case, with an increasing global

competition for talents and skilled workers, discrimination may automatically

become less severe in the future. Reconsidering established recruitment cultures

may nevertheless help achieving the goal of discrimination-free hiring even sooner.

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

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Krause, Rinne and Zimmermann: Anonymous Job Applications in Europe

Table 1: Overview of Anonymous Job Applications in German Experiment

Process

# Applications

Anonymization

Standardized

Application Form

Basic Descriptives

93 Percent Female

25 Percent Migrant

25 Percent Callback Rate

46 Percent Female

593

Blackening

29 Percent Migrant

14 Percent Callback Rate

64 Percent Female

719

Blackening

Copying

non-sensitive

information in