Udenrigsudvalget 2015-16
URU Alm.del Bilag 174
Offentligt
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Freedom of Religion or Belief in Pakistan & UK
Government Policy: APPG for International
Freedom of Religion or Belief Parliamentary
Inquiry Abridged Report
This is not an official publication of the House of Commons or the House of Lords. It
has not been approved by either House or its committees. All-Party Groups are
informal groups of Members of both Houses with a common interest in particular
issues. The views expressed in this report are those of the Groups.
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CONTENTS
(Contents of the abridged report only; see p.17 for the contents of the full report.)
Foreword ................................................................................................................................. 2
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 5
Executive Summary ................................................................................................................ 6
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The Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief & Pakistan’s Obligations ........................ 7
Conclusions Regarding the Treatment of Ahmadis, Christians & Hindus in .
Pakistan .......................................................................................................................... 8
Conclusions Regarding the Treatment of Sikhs, Jews & Shias in Pakistan ................ 9
UNHCR & UK Policy Regarding Pakistan’s Religious Minorities ................................10
Implementing Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Vision of a Multi-religious Pakistan ............ 13
Key Recommendations
..........................................................................................................
15
Full Report Roadmap & Contents
.........................................................................................
17
This is a report of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for International Freedom of Religion or Belief
(hereafter APPG). It is not been produced by a Select Committee or any other Committee appointed by
the House.
This report has been written and edited by: Katharine Thane (Operations Director of the APPG for
International Freedom of Religion or Belief), Gurinder Jhans (Research and Events Co-ordinator for the
APPG for International Freedom of Religion or Belief) and Prof. Javaid Rehman (Professor of Law, Brunel
University London).
Evidence and commentary for the APPG inquiry and this subsequent report was directly submitted by the
following individuals and organisations: Paul Nettleship (Solicitor Advocate at Sutovic & Hartigan);
Sulema Jahangir (Solicitor, Dawson Cornwell & Advocate of the High Courts of Pakistan); Nilmini Roelens
LLM, DEJF (Founder & Principal Solicitor, Roelens Solicitors); Revd Rana Khan (International
Interreligious Dialogues Assistant to the Archbishop of Canterbury); Jean Lambert MEP; Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan; Amnesty International; the International Human Rights Committee; Ahmadiyya
Muslim Community UK; Christian Solidarity Worldwide; Release International; British Pakistani Christian
Association; Justice Upheld; Global Minorities Alliance; Hindu Human Rights; International Imam Hussein
Council; Harif; Pakistan Minorities Rights Organisation; the National Commission for Justice and Peace of
Pakistan; Centre for Legal Aid, Assistance and Settlement.
The written submissions made by these individuals can be viewed on the APPG’s website at the web link
provided in the additional document attached to this abridged report.
The conclusions made in this report, if not directly referenced as stemming from a specific individual or
organisation, are those solely of the APPG. The APPG takes full responsibility for its conclusions made in
this report.
The report has been made possible by financial support from the APPG’s Stakeholders, whose names can
be found on the APPG’s website at the following web link:
https://www.freedomdeclared.org/about/stakeholders.
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FOREWORD
I recently saw the portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, hanging at Lincoln’s Inn,
where he was called to the Bar, and in the office of the Pakistan High Commissioner in London. The
respect in which Jinnah continues to be held is a useful reminder of the shared history of our two
countries; the presence of a significant Pakistan diaspora in the UK; and the ideals which influenced
Jinnah and his hopes for the new nation created in 1947. As you read the report which follows, think
carefully about Jinnah’s beliefs and the struggle which will now determine Pakistan’s future.
Jinnah did not believe in a theocratic or intolerant ideology: “Make
no mistake: Pakistan is not a
theocracy or anything like it”
he said. It was to be a democracy: “Democracy
is in the blood of the
Muslims”,
a place where there would be
“complete equality of mankind…fraternity, equality, and
liberty”.
Women were to be treated as equals with men: “Our
women are shut up within the four
walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable condition in
which our women have to live”.
And Pakistan was to be a place where people would be free to follow
their religious beliefs in freedom and equality: “You
are free; you are free to go to your temples.
You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You
may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State”.
The importance of religious pluralism and freedom of religion or belief – which was about to be
incorporated in Article 18 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights – was anticipated in a
hugely important speech which, in 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah gave to the New Delhi Press Club. In his
address he set out the basis on which the new State of Pakistan was to be founded. In particular he
forcefully defended the right of minorities to be protected and to have their beliefs respected:
“Minorities, to whichever community they may belong, will be safeguarded. Their
religion, faith or belief will be secure. There will be no interference of any kind with
their freedom of worship. They will have their protection with regard to their religion,
faith, their life and their culture. They will be, in all respects, the citizens of Pakistan
without any distinction of caste and creed”.
It is not only that a society is enriched by difference, and judged by its ability to live and to let live; a
society is also liable to become economically impoverished and castrated in its ability to develop when
it crushes the human spirit by an insistence on uniformity of belief. Pursuing homogeneity has not led
to stability in Pakistan. Grim’s research shows that religious freedom is a key ingredient to peace and
stability, as measured by the absence of violent religious persecution and conflict. This is ‘particularly
important for business and, in turn, economic prosperity because stability leads to more opportunity
to invest and conduct normal and predictable business operations, especially in emerging and new
markets.
1
Sadly, Jinnah’s noble aspirations have been trampled on by men who despise difference and who can
find no place in their hearts for those who enliven and enrich communal life. This report catalogues
how, in today's Pakistan, minorities, ranging from Ahmadis to Sikhs, from Christians to Hindus,
Buddhists and Muslims from a Shia tradition, face relentless violence, profound discrimination, and in
some cases, outright persecution. The report also highlights the story brought to us at the evidence-
1
Grim, B., ‘If Policy Makers Cared About Data, They’d Care About Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB)’, (29
2
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hearing sessions of the alleged last self-identifying Jew in Pakistan; a poignant indication of what
years of systematic discrimination and alienation of individuals adhering to minority religious beliefs
in Pakistan can lead to if such discriminatory or persecutory treatment is not brought to an end.
Jinnah rightly declared that the Government of Pakistan has a duty to protect all of its citizens,
regardless of their beliefs or origins. The international community ought to be asking how the State
today honours that pledge. The UK needs to ask how it treats those fleeing persecution and what
contribution an aid programme, of over £1 billion in the last couple of years alone, has made to
fostering a society where difference is respected.
Take the Ahmadis. They have suffered numerous attacks while attending Friday prayers. The vicious
brutality of these attacks is magnified when considering the Ahmadis' belief: “love for all and hatred
for none”. Sadly, too few share the same passion for tolerance. While the Ahmadis consider
themselves Muslim and follow all Islamic rituals, in 1974 the State declared them to be non-Muslim
and, in 1984, they were legally barred from proselytising or identifying themselves as Muslims. Ali
Dayan Hassan of Human Rights Watch believes that Ahmadis have thus become “easy targets" for
militant Sunni groups, who behave with impunity believing they have the full authority of the State in
declaring Ahmadis to be infidels. Despite repeated attacks on the Ahmadis how many prosecutions of
perpetrators have there been?
There is a link here with security issues too.
Terrorism Monitor
warns that: "As
the Pakistani Taliban
are trying to spread their war on the Pakistani State, they are likely to continue to target minorities
like the Ahmadis in their efforts to create instability”.
That threat was brutally (and graphically) underlined by the murder of Pakistan’s Minister for
Minority Affairs, Mr Shahbaz Bhatti. An advocate of reform of the country’s Blasphemy Law - the
cause of many bogus prosecutions against non-Muslims and Muslims alike - he was gunned down by
self-described Taliban assassins as he left his Islamabad home. His murderers scattered pamphlets,
signed ‘Taliban al-Qaida Punjab’, describing him as a “Christian
infidel”.
The then Foreign Secretary,
William Hague, said that Bhatti’s death was “a
tragic loss for Pakistan and for all people who believe
in human rights and freedom of speech”.
Minister Bhatti’s death has not been an isolated incident.
Meanwhile, forced conversions to Islam, rape, and forced marriage remain commonplace. Such
intolerance and such virulent attacks pose a grave threat not only to Pakistan, and the region, but also
to the UK, where around 1.2 million British-born Pakistani people now reside.
Unlike the authorities who have such a lamentable record in protecting their citizens, Pakistan’s own
citizens clearly understand from where the threat to their security originates. In an independent 2012
survey, c.87% of those interviewed were dissatisfied with the country’s direction and overwhelming
majorities rated terrorism and corruption as a very big problems, which is why we have a duty to
speak out for vulnerable and targeted minorities in Pakistan.
2
William Hague’s predecessor as Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, rightly insisted that: "It
is when
the international community has taken its eye off the ball in Pakistan that instability has
2
Pew Research Center, ‘Pakistani Public Opinion Ever More Critical of U.S.’, (27 June 2012), available at:
<http://www.pewglobal.org/files/2012/06/Pew-Global-Attitudes-Project-Pakistan-Report-FINAL-Wednesday-
June-27-2012.pdf>, (accessed: 14/02/16)
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increased... internally, Pakistan has a duty to protect minority groups and needs the support of its
allies to do so”.
Since he and William Hague made those remarks, the situation has got no better – even within the last
two months, reports have reached me of Churches being burnt,
3
a 35-year old Christian man dying in
prison
4
and a young girl and boy, in separate incidents, being kidnapped and stripped and gang-raped
and murdered respectively due to their perceived religious beliefs.
5
As this report describes, such
treatment of individuals based on their beliefs has led to some of those most persecuted fleeing the
country. This fleeing, in turn, has led to some being incarcerated in detention centres or having to live
below the radar in locations including Bangkok, constantly in fear of arrest. I have seen this situation
first-hand and the lamentable failure of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees to resource
the assessment and relocation of these persecuted and vulnerable people, which is a stain on the
international community.
In commending this report to those who read it, I would like to pay tribute to Katharine Thane and
Gurinder Jhans of the All-Party Group for Freedom of Religion or Belief for their tireless efforts in
assembling evidence, organizing witness hearings at Westminster, and drafting this admirable report.
Prof. I also pay tribute to Prof. Javaid Rehman who has gone out of his way to make time, in between
travels to Pakistan, to ensure the accuracy of the legal and historic contexts within this report. Let me
also commend the brave men and women who have been caught in the crossfire of this violence and
who have been willing to speak out.
Jinnah would recognize in them the conscience and the best of the Pakistan he worked so hard to
create. His 1947 Declaration, promising tolerance, respect and security for the new country’s
minorities is a vision that needs to be re-inserted into the political mainstream. The grievous plight of
Pakistan’s minorities is inextricably bound to its destiny as a nation, which is why this report is so
timely and so important.
David Alton
(Professor the Lord Alton of Liverpool – Independent Crossbench Member of the House of Lords
and Vice Chairman of the All-Party Group on Freedom of Religion or Belief)
3
Saeed, N., ‘New Year’s Horrific Beginning for Pakistani Christians’, (22 Jan. 2016), available at:
<https://www.the-newshub.com/international/new-years-horrific-beginning-for-pakistani-christians>,
(accessed: 01/02/16)
4
Christian Solidarity Worldwide, ‘Pakistan CSW Calls for Inquiry’, (28 Jan. 2016), available at:
<http://www.csw.org.uk/2016/01/28/news/2964/article.htm>, (Accessed: 01/02/16)
5
Saeed, N., ‘New Year’s Horrific Beginning for Pakistani Christians’, (22 Jan. 2016), available at:
<https://www.the-newshub.com/international/new-years-horrific-beginning-for-pakistani-christians>,
(accessed: 01/02/16)
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INTRODUCTION
Pakistan presents a particularly bleak environment for individuals wishing to manifest their right to
freedom of religion or belief. Across the country there are individual and communal cases of
discrimination and oppression towards those perceived as not adhering to the ‘orthodox’ religion,
which, in some cases, amount to systematic discrimination and persecution. Besieged by allegedly
religiously-inspired extremists and religiously-driven terrorism, religious minorities have been the
focus of State-sanctioned persecution as well as violent acts perpetuated by non-State actors.
Oppressive policies and laws imposed by Pakistani officials at the federal and provincial levels, in
conjunction with systematic impunity for violent mob attacks on religious minorities and their
properties, provides a dangerous environment for any adherent of a religious belief not deemed
‘orthodox’ by those around them to practise their right to manifest their beliefs.
According to unofficial figures available in 2016, the State has a population of c.191 million, being the
world’s sixth most populous country.
7
Of this population, 96% are Muslims. The remaining 4% are
non-Muslims, which includes Christians, Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains, Parsis and atheists. Hindus
6
Map sourced from:
AK & SK (Christians: risk) Pakistan
(CG), [2014], UKUT 569 (IAC) (15 December 2014),
available at: <http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKUT/IAC/2014/569.html>, (accessed: 12/12/15)
7
Worldometers, ‘Pakistan Population (live)’, available at: >http://www.worldometers.info/world-
population/pakistan-population/>, (accessed: 12/12/15)
5
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make up 1.85% of the population,
8
whilst Christians represent 1.59%.
9
Members of these religious
minorities within Pakistan, regardless of education, wealth and location are discriminated against
with some at real risk of serious harm or even acts amounting to persecution, the likelihood of
which depends on factors such as their encounters with and actions amongst people of
other/different faiths or beliefs. These factors are not exhaustive. With regard to those who have
left Pakistan as asylum seekers on the grounds of their faith, UN Special Rapporteur on Minority
Issues, Rita Izsák, advances that such individuals ‘from
Pakistan belonging to religious minorities ...
[have been] subjected to persecution, discrimination and violence in Pakistan’.
10
While evidence submitted to the APPG for International Freedom of Religion or Belief at the
evidence-hearing sessions suggests that members of the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan
(Ahmadis) are persecuted, not least brought about by the discriminatory laws declaring them to be
non-Muslim, this does not inherently diminish the dangers – to the point at which one’s life is at risk
– faced by other individuals due to their religious beliefs, including Christians. The APPG
recommends that all cases in which an individual is seeking asylum outside Pakistan on the grounds
of a well-founded fear of persecution for his or her religious beliefs, should be analysed and judged
on a case-by-case basis with the knowledge that such fear, dependent on the case, could be well-
founded. Information submitted to the APPG indicates a frequent failure on the part of law
enforcers - lawyers, judges and police etc. acting on behalf of the federal or provincial State - to
protect members of different religious communities from human rights’ violations perpetrated on
the basis of the victim’s faith. This information immediately highlights the inability of such adherents
to live safely and without fear of their being persecuted at some point.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This extensive report from the All-Party Parliamentary Group for International Freedom of Religion
or Belief (hereafter APPG) on the treatment of different religious groups in Pakistan has been
compiled using the evidence of over 20 organisations, lawyers and academics working on the right
to freedom of religion or belief in Pakistan. In two evidence sessions on 10-11 November 2015, the
APPG heard from organisations and individuals working on the right of Pakistani Ahmadis, Christian,
Hindu, Sikh and Jewish communities, constitutionally recognised as ‘non-Muslim’ religious
minorities, as well as the Shia Muslim community, to have and practise their religion or belief.
11
8
Approximately 3.5 million. Statistic sourced from:
AK & SK (Christians: risk) Pakistan
(CG), [2014], UKUT 569
(IAC) (15 December 2014), para.20, available at: <http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKUT/IAC/2014/569.html>,
(accessed: 12/12/15)
9
Unofficial figures suggest the Christian population to be between 3–5 million. Statistic sourced from:
AK & SK
(Christians: risk) Pakistan
(CG), [2014], UKUT 569 (IAC) (15 December 2014), para.216, available at:
<http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKUT/IAC/2014/569.html>, (accessed: 12/12/15)
10
Wn.com (2014), 'UN rights experts urge halt to Sri Lanka's deportations of Pakistani asylum seekers', (14
August 2014), accessed at:
<http://article.wn.com/view/2014/08/14/UN_rights_experts_urge_halt_to_Sri_Lankas_deportations_of_Pa/>,
(accessed: 12/12/15).
11
The 1973 Constitution makes a number of references to the term ‘minority’. No definition of this term
‘minority’ has been provided, although Pakistan’s official and constitutional practices have vigorously adopted
the position that minorities within Pakistan are essentially religious minorities. (For substantiation on
Pakistan’s position see ‘Chapter 5 – Interpretation’ (Art. 260 (3c)) of
The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan 1973
(as amended) and the proceedings of Committee on Elimination of All Forms of Racial
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The Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief & Pakistan’s Obligations
Article 18 of the legally-binding International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states:
1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right
shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom,
either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his
religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.
2. No-one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt
a religion or belief of his choice.
3. Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as
are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals
or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.
4. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to have respect for the liberty of
parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to ensure the religious and moral education
of their children in conformity with their own convictions.
Pakistan is a party to the international bill of human rights (consisting of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR),
12
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
13
and
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)
14
) as well as several
international treaties with provisions relating to the right to religious freedom and religious non-
discrimination. While Pakistan initially entered a reservation to ICCPR Article.18 upon ratifying this
Covenant in 2010, stating that Article.18 ‘shall only be applied to the extent that it is not repugnant
to the Provisions of the Constitution of Pakistan and the Sharia laws’, Prime Minister, Syed Yousaf
Raza Gilani, withdrew the reservation to this Article in September 2011.
15
Although the withdrawal of
reservations to Article 18 brings the incorporated international treaty in line with the fundamental
rights’ provisions in the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, which include upholding the right to equality
and non-discrimination and the right to freedom of religion or belief, as subsequently examined in
this report, there are considerable impediments in the practical implementation of this right within
the domestic framework and in addressing rights-violating actions of non-State actors.
15
Discrimination which operates under the auspices of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (1965): Pakistan’s Fourth Periodic Report before the Committee (CERD/C/R.90/Add.22) (July
1976), para. 3; Pakistan’s Fifth Periodic Report (CERD/C/20.Add.15) (March 1978), para. 1; Pakistan’s Fourteenth
(Consolidated) Report (CERD/C/299/Add.6) (June 1996), para. 12; S Ali, ‘The Rights of Ethnic Minorities in
Pakistan: A Legal Analysis’, in S Tierney, (ed.),
Accommodating National Identity: New Approaches to
International and Domestic Law,
Kluwer Law International, The Hague, 2000, pp. 189–210.)
12
10 December, 1948, UN GA Res. 217 A(III), UN Doc. A/810 at 71 (1948).
13
Adopted at New York, 16 December, 1966. Entered into force 23 March 1976. GA Res. 2200A (XXI) UN Doc.
A/6316 (1966) 999 U.N.T.S. 171; 6 I.L.M. (1967) 368. (ratified 23 June 2010)
14
Adopted at New York, 16 December, 1966. 993 U.N.T.S. 3; 6 I.L.M. (1967) 360. (ratified 17 April 2008).
Pakistan Decides to Withdraw Most of the Reservations on ICCPR, UNCAT,
N
ATION
(Pak.) (June 23, 2011), available
at: <http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/national/23-Jun-2011/Pakistan-
decides-to-withdraw-most-of-reservations-on-ICCPR-UNCAT>, (accessed:12/12/5).
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Conclusions Regarding the Treatment of Ahmadis, Christians & Hindus in Pakistan
The APPG concludes that through the substantial volume of information provided to it both orally
and in writing, there is a real risk of persecution for members of the Ahmadiyya, Christian and Hindu
communities in Pakistan, who are perceived as not adhering to the ‘orthodox’ ideology. Stating that
members of these religious communities are at real risk of persecution is not to say that all these
individuals inherently have been or will be persecuted during their lifetime; the likelihood of
persecution depends on factors such as their encounters with and actions amongst people of
other/different faiths or beliefs. These factors are not exhaustive.
As the full report details, members of Pakistani Ahmadiyya, Christian and Hindu communities face
violations of fundamental human rights, including the right to life and the right to liberty and
security. The real risk of persecution is evident from existing national and provincial laws in Pakistan,
such as the blasphemy laws under Section 295-C of the Penal Code as well as from practices of law
enforcement agencies and judicial officers. The over-arching threat of terrorist violence is
particularly acute for the above-mentioned communities since they remain a primary target of non-
State actors.
Under the United Kingdom law, that an individual has been persecuted can be established if an act is
committed for reasons including the individual’s religion and if it is:
(a) sufficiently serious by its nature or repetition as to constitute a severe violation of a
basic human right, in particular a right from which derogation cannot be made under
Article 15 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms(6); or
(b) an accumulation of various measures, including a violation of a human right which is
sufficiently severe as to affect an individual in a similar manner as specified in (a).
And if such an act takes, for example, the form of:
(a) an act of physical or mental violence, including an act of sexual violence;
(b) a legal, administrative, police, or judicial measure which in itself is discriminatory or
which is implemented in a discriminatory manner;
(c) prosecution or punishment, which is disproportionate or discriminatory;
(d) denial of judicial redress resulting in a disproportionate or discriminatory
punishment...
16
The APPG submits that Pakistani Christian, Ahmadiyya and Hindu communities are subject to
treatment that requires their protection as provided within the UK’S 2006 Qualification Regulations
on Refugees of Persons in Need of International Protection. The APPG recommends that cases in
which members of these communities seek asylum on the grounds of religious persecution should,
in line with UNHCR guidelines, be analysed and judged on a case-by-case basis.
17
The UNHCR has
suggested that persecution can be established on ‘cumulative grounds’; whereas a single act of
16
The Refugee or Person in Need of International Protection (Qualification) Regulations 2006
[United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland], Statutory Instrument 2006 No. 2525, (18 September 2006).
17
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),
UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International
Protection Needs of Members of Religious Minorities from Pakistan,
(14 May 2012), HCR/EG/PAK/12/02
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discrimination in itself may not be sufficient to establish persecution and claim refugee status,
where this is combined with ‘other adverse factors (e.g. a general atmosphere of insecurity in the
country of origin)’ or ‘where a person has been the victim of a number of discriminatory measures’,
this may be enough to cross the threshold for and establish persecution.
18
See Section 1 for the
definition of ‘refugee’ and full analysis of what constitutes ‘persecution’ under international law.
Conclusions Regarding the Treatment of Sikhs, Jews & Shias in Pakistan
The APPG was also disturbed by the evidence it received from individuals and organisations that
highlighted the discrimination, oppression and what was suggested, in some cases, to amount to
persecution of Jewish and Sikh communities in Pakistan. Due to the very small size of the Jewish
community in Pakistan, the APPG does not believe that it has been able to gather sufficient evidence
to conclude whether members of this community are currently at real risk of persecution. Similarly
for the Pakistani Sikh community, the APPG does not believe that it currently has sufficient up-to-
date evidence to determine whether this community continues to be at real risk of persecution. The
APPG recommends that further evidence be gathered on these communities and that all Jewish and
Sikh asylum cases being claimed on the grounds of religious persecution be analysed on a case-by-
case basis with the cumulative grounds for establishing persecution, as outlined above, being taken
into account.
19
The APPG was additionally troubled by the evidence submitted by the International Imam Hussein
Council, which, according to their findings, suggests that Pakistani Shia Muslims face systematic
persecution due to their beliefs. Notwithstanding that Shia Muslims in Pakistan are not, under
Pakistan’s Constitution, viewed as a ‘religious minority’,
20
as well as in light of the different opinions
amongst the Shia communities in Pakistan and around the world regarding their treatment, the
APPG believes that it has insufficient evidence to make a considered judgement as to whether Shias
in Pakistan are currently at a real risk of persecution. The APPG recommends that, not least in light
of the conflict between Sunni and Shia Muslims in many countries across the world, an urgent
inquiry be launched by the UK Government to assess the extent of the alleged persecution of
Pakistani Shia Muslims and update the Home Office’s Country Information and Guidance (CIG) on
Pakistani Shias accordingly. The APPG further submits that the current UK Home Office CIG on
Pakistani Shias gives rise to a number of issues, including that its ‘Policy Summary’ makes
statements that are sweeping in nature, not representative of the summary guidance and not
supported by either the background evidence contained in the CIG or in the wider range of
independent sources that report on conditions in Pakistan. See Section 7 in the full report for the
APPG’s full analysis of this CIG. The International Imam Hussein Council’s full report, in conjunction
with Khudi, can be found on the APPG website at the web link provided
18
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),
Handbook and Guidelines on Procedures and Criteria for
Determining Refugee Status under the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees,
December 2011, HCR/1P/4/ENG/REV. 3, paras.52-3
19
ibid
20
NB. That the use of the phrase
’religious minority’
here refers to communities that have different religious
identities from and that are numerically fewer than the Sunni Muslim population, which comprises c.96% of
individuals in Pakistan.
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While not being able to provide a conclusion regarding these faith communities, the APPG has
nevertheless drawn on the evidence brought to it by organisations including Harif, Justice Upheld,
and the International Imam Hussein Council, to inform Section 4 of the full report which outlines
some of the thematic issues faced by different Pakistani religious groups and Section 5 which builds
a picture of the particular difficulties experienced by Hindu, Sikh and Jewish communities in
Pakistan.
UNHCR & UK Policy Regarding Pakistan’s Religious Minorities
The second half of this APPG report analyses policy regarding members of Pakistan’s religious
minority groups’ seeking asylum abroad on the grounds of persecution for their religion or belief.
The APPG commends guidance in the UNHCR’s and UK’s guidance documents relating to different
Pakistani religious communities, which suggest analysis of asylum cases on a case-by-case basis.
21
The APPG remains concerned, however, with some of the UNHCR’s unofficial policy in the Bangkok
detention camp in which Pakistani Christian asylum seekers are detained as well as some of the
guidance given in the UK Home Office Information and Country Guidance on Ahmadis, Shias
22
and
Pakistani Christians and Christian converts. Likewise, certain procedural aspects of the process that
Pakistani asylum seekers must undergo in the UK give the APPG cause for concern. Regarding UK
policy, the APPG is, in particular, concerned that the current policy, guidance and procedures,
including that found in Home Office CIG reports on Pakistani religious groups, insufficiently reflects
the situation faced by members of religious minority communities in Pakistan.
While the APPG commends the Home Office CIG on Pakistani Ahmadis for recognising the ‘real risk
of persecution’ faced by Ahmadis in Pakistan (in line with the
MN and Others
23
Country Guidance
case), issues remain with this Home Office CIG. These issues include the assessment that, despite
the advancement of communication technologies and the easy transfer of information on the
whereabouts of targeted individuals, internal relocation in Pakistan is feasible and safe for members
of the Pakistani Ahmadiyya community. The Home Office should take account of guidance provided
by the UNHCR in its ‘Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing The International Protection Needs of
Members of Religious Minorities from Pakistan’, by international NGOs as well as in the
MN and
Others
Country Guidance case, which recognises that Rabwah, the city in which the Ahmadiyya
Muslim community have their headquarters, does not provide any greater level of safety than
anywhere else in Pakistan, and amend the CIG accordingly.
24
See Section 7 for further analysis and
recommendations relating to the CIG on Pakistani Ahmadis.
The APPG has deep concerns about the Home Office CIG on Pakistani Christians and Christian
converts, which has been used by the UNHCR in Bangkok detention camp to justify unduly delaying
21
See e.g. UNHCR,
supra n.17;
UK Home Office, Country Information and Guidance: Pakistan: Christians and
Christian converts, (Feb. 2015), para.2.2.3., available at: <
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/402591/cig_pakistan_christian
s_and_christian_converts_v1_0_2015_02_10.pdf>,
22
Please refer to Section 7 of the full report for analysis of the UK Home Office Country Information and
Guidance report on Pakistani Shia Muslims which can be accessed via the web link provided by the APPG on
the document attached to this report.
23
MN and others (Ahmadis - country conditions - risk) Pakistan Pakistan v. the Secretary of State for the Home
Department,
CG [2012] UKUT 00389(IAC), United Kingdom: Upper Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum
Chamber), 13 November 2012.
24
MN and others, supra n.23,
para. 7; UNHCR,
supra n.17
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the granting of asylum to Christians fleeing Pakistan.
25
This CIG’s findings rest on the
AK and SK
country guidance case and the judgements contained within this case.
26
Unlike
AK and SK’s
findings,
and thus those outlined in the Home Office CIG on Christians and Christian Converts, the APPG
submits that, like Pakistani Ahmadis, members of Pakistan’s Christian communities are at ‘real risk of
persecution’. In light of the evidence heard at the 10-11 November 2015 evidence sessions in
Parliament alongside additional research and legal guidance, the APPG adopts the position that
following that the findings in the
AK & SK
case, which are reflected in the Home Office CIG on
Pakistani Christians and Christian converts, need to be reviewed:
That ‘Christians in Pakistan are a religious minority and, in general, suffer discrimination but
this is not sufficient to amount to a real risk of persecution’
(AK
and SK,
Summary, para.1;
para.240)
The APPG submits that the UK Upper Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum Chamber) has misconstrued
the meaning of ‘real risk of persecution’ as provided in the guidelines and jurisprudence of the
UNHCR. Christians in Pakistan face real threats of persecution in the form of physical violence and
psychological torture at the hands of State- and non-State actors. The APPG further submits that in
light of the UNHCR guidelines, persistent ‘cumulative grounds’ of discrimination such as those faced
by Christians in Pakistan (and detailed in Section of the full online report), amount to ‘persecution’.
See Sections 1 and 5 of the full online report.
‘Unlike the position of Ahmadis, Christians in general are permitted to practise the faith,
can attend church, participate in religious activities and have their own schools and
hospitals’
(AK
and SK,
Summary para.2; para.241)
Based on the evidence presented at the hearings, the APPG is of the opinion that the Upper Tribunal
erred in its assessment of the prevailing circumstances in Pakistan. Christians are unable to practise
their faith in public or to manifest their religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and
observance as guaranteed by the UDHR and ICCPR. See Section 5 of the full online report.
Evangelism by its very nature involves some obligation to proselytise. Someone who
seeks to broadcast their faith to strangers so as to encourage them to convert may find
themselves facing a charge of blasphemy. In that way, evangelical Christians face a
greater risk than those Christians who are not publicly active. It will be for the judicial
fact-finder to assess on a case-by-case basis whether, notwithstanding attendance at an
evangelical church, it is important to the individual to behave in evangelical ways that
may lead to a real risk of persecution
(AK
and SK,
Summary para.3; para.242)
The APPG believes that the Upper Tribunal focused too narrowly on the persecution of evangelical
Christians in Pakistan whereas most cases relate to either Christian Catholics or various other
denominations of Christians. Based on evidence received during the hearings, the APPG submits that
the Upper Tribunal constructed an overly narrow paradigm of assessment of risk in its judgement.
The Tribunal has done so, firstly, by focusing on limited aspects of religious practice - i.e. ‘behav[ing]
in evangelical ways’ (para 242) - as encapsulating what it is to be an adherent of the Christian faith,
25
See Section 6 of the full online report for full details regarding Lord Alton’s findings with the unofficial policy
used in Bangkok’s Detention camp.
26
AK and SK, supra n.9
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rather than the wider concept of ‘being’ a Christian, i.e. faith as religious observance rather than as a
core component of identity. Such a focus may be inconsistent with case law regarding, for example,
the recognition of sexuality as a part of core identity and recognition of sexual identity as a
protected characteristic. From such a starting point, any interference, or inability to realise such a
characteristic is prohibited and potentially persecutory. It is submitted that this leads to a false
dichotomy between those adherents who are ‘evangelical’ or ‘active’ and those who are considered
not to be and fails to recognise that faith, as it informs identity, permeates and is exhibited in all
aspects of individual and communal life. The APPG further submits on this point that the
understanding of ‘proselytism’ has been misconstrued as an action that primarily involves
aggressive conversion and not that it may also constitute part of individuals’ everyday expression of
their beliefs. See Section 5 of the full online report.
The risk of interpreting the
AK & SK case
as only applying in blasphemy cases
The APPG submits that it is far too narrow a reading of
AK & SK
to suggest that Christians are only at
risk from extremist groups through blasphemy charges, although there is a probability that it will be
taken as such. On its facts,
AK & SK
may appear to be almost exclusively concerned with the
consequences to Christians of accusations of blasphemy brought by a militant Islamic group and is
thus not concerned with persecution by the State (through persecutory laws enacted by the
government). In addition, the Court did not address direct and violent persecution of
Christians
outside
the sphere of Blasphemy; such violence and persecution by non-State
actors/extremist groups carries a real and substantial threat to Christians and should have been
considered on a factual basis by the Court. See Sections 4-5 of the full online report.
Along with Christians, Sunnis, Shias, Ahmadis, and Hindus may all potentially be
charged with blasphemy. Those citizens who are more marginalised and occupy low
standing social positions, may be less able to deal with the consequences of such
proceedings
(AK
and SK,
para.243)
The APPG submits that
AK and SK’s
(para. 214, 243) statement regarding the differences in treatment
of affluent and poor Christians is unfounded. While the higher wealth of the individual may allow
some immediate protection, their apparent wealth may even draw attention to them and cause
them to be charged with blasphemy, to which the rules after such a charge remain the same for all
Christians. See Sections 4-5 of the full online report.
The apparent lack of understanding of the reality of practices within Pakistan
(AK
and
SK,
para.61)
The APPG submits that
AK and SK
misconstrued the law and judicial practices of Pakistan. The fact
that ‘Pakistani law strictly forbids forced conversions’ and the Pakistani Supreme Court has
supported this might be sufficient to believe that forced conversions are not condoned in Pakistan,
demonstrates a lack of reflection of the reality. This is especially evident for individuals involved in
the vast majority of cases in lower courts relating to forced conversion, whose judges have and can
be intimidated or manipulated. See Sections 4-5 of the full online report.
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That relocation is normally a viable option unless an individual is accused of blasphemy
which is being seriously pursued; in that situation there is, in general, no internal
relocation alternative
(AK
and SK,
Summary para.8; para.247)
Based on the evidence presented, the APPG submits that the Home Office presenters have
continued to erroneously suggest that relocation is the option that immigration judges should offer
to asylum seekers when their appeals are rejected. Evidence received by the APPG establishes that
internal relocation is an unsafe option, especially given new communication technologies
developments, which allow information on those targeted by extremist groups to be passed on
even if they move across the country. See Sections 7-8 of the full online report.
‘Like other women in Pakistan, Christian women, in general, face discrimination and
may be at a heightened risk but this falls short of a generalised risk. The need for a
fact-sensitive analysis is critical in their case. Facts such as their age, place of residence
and socio-economic milieu are all relevant factors when assessing the risk of
abduction, conversion and forced marriages
(AK
and SK,
para.246)
The APPG submits that Christian women face persecution and discrimination because they are
Christian. Christian women, alongside women of other religious minorities, face a real risk of
abduction and are a target of conversion and forced marriage because of their faith. Radical sections
of the society, often with impunity from State officials, view conversions of Christian women and
their forced marriage to Muslim men as a positive and righteous action. The risk and dangers which
women from non-Muslim faiths face are much more direct and substantial. See Sections 4-5 of the
full online report.
In light of the above findings and given that the appellants in
AK and SK
have exhausted their right
of appeal, the UK Home Office should initiate the process for bringing forward a new country
guidance case that can be used to reassess the situation for all Christians and Christian converts in
Pakistan. At the very least, the APPG urges the Home Office to limit the use of the
AK and SK
case’s
conclusions to providing guidance on its facts – i.e. only providing guidance for the consideration of
asylum cases regarding Pakistani Evangelical Christians facing blasphemy charges lodged by non-
State actors.
Implementing Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Vision of a Multi-religious Pakistan
Enabling Pakistan to flourish in the way that Muhammad Ali Jinnah desired requires the above
findings, predicated on the research and evidence outlined in the full online report, to be noted and
used to inform Home Office and other UK Government departments’ policy and action. Change is
also required within current national and provincial legislation in Pakistan as well as within the
deeply-embedded cultural norms that have given rise to suspicion and hatred of those with different
religious beliefs. Both State and non-State actors’ pursuit of homogeneity in religious and ideological
thought via the suppression of alternative beliefs in Pakistan have not only failed to realise Jinnah’s
vision for the country, but have enabled a persistent state of insecurity. Grim & Finke’s research
finds that religious freedom is a key ingredient to peace and stability, as measured by the absence of
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violent religious persecution and conflict.
27
When religious freedom is denied through the regulation
of religious profession or practice, Grim and Finke find that “violent religious persecution and
conflict will increase.
Conversely, the lifting of restrictions on religious profession or practice should result in less
persecution and conflict and consequently more peace and security” – which naturally leads to
stability in a state.
28
As the Institute for Global Engagement’s Dr Chris Seiple finds, by “introducing
religious freedom into a society, religious institutions, communities, and individuals are permitted to
grow openly in a healthy and constructive manner, which reinforces engagement with governance
and the legitimacy of the state. In other words, there is a link between religious freedom and the
degree of broader political liberalization and stability within a nation.”
29
In their November 2015 New Aid Strategy - ‘UK Aid: Tackling Global Challenges in the National
Interest’ - DfID and HM Treasury set four strategic objectives that include ‘Strengthening global
peace, security and governance’ and ‘Promoting global prosperity’.
30
In light of the above research
undertaken by Grim, Finke and Seiple, the APPG argues that promoting freedom of religion or belief,
and thus religious plurality – in line with Pakistan’s international legal obligations - should be
prioritised by DfiD when engaging with Pakistan. Indeed, Pakistan is one of the main recipients of
DfID’s financial aid, with the operational plan budget in Pakistan set at £324 million for 2015/16.
31
In
order to fill its strategic objectives, the APPG calls on DfID to ensure that where aid is provided or
contracts awarded in Pakistan, it is channelled to civil-society organisations and government
programmes that can demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of freedom of religion or belief,
and can show how their work will have a positive rather than negative impact in this area.
The APPG further submits that, due to its role in enabling stability, advancing freedom of religion or
belief is also necessary within a nation for achieving DfID’s strategic objective of ‘promoting global
prosperity’ as well as Sustainable Development Goals 8 and 16.
32
As Georgetown and Brigham Young
Universities’ research finds, stability is particularly important for business and, in turn, economic
prosperity because stability leads to more opportunity to invest and conduct normal and predictable
business operations, especially in emerging and new markets.
33
The research, which looked at GDP
growth for 173 countries in 2011 and controlled for two dozen different financial, social and
regulatory influences, found a positive correlation between religious freedom and global
Grim, B. & Finke, R.,
The Price of Freedom Denied: Religious Persecution and Conflict in the 21
st
Century,
(Cambridge: CUP, 2011), p.217
28
ibid,
p.6
29
Hertzke, A.D.,
The Future of Religious Freedom: Global Challenges,
(Oxford: OUP, 2013), p.324
30
HM Treasury, Department for International Development,
UK Aid: Tackling Global Challenges in the National
Interest,
(Nov. 2015), p.3, available at:
<https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/478834/ODA_strategy_final_
web_0905.pdf>, (accessed: 12/12/15)
31
UK Aid, ‘Development Tracker: Pakistan’, available at: <https://devtracker.dfid.gov.uk/countries/PK>,
(accessed: 12/12/15)
32
United Nations Development Programme, ‘Goal 8: Decent Work and Economic Growth – Promote Inclusive
and Sustainable Economic Growth, employment and Decent Work for All’, available at:
<http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sdgoverview/post-2015-development-agenda/goal-8.html>,
(accessed: 02/02/16) ; United Nations Development Programme, ‘Goal 16: Peace, Justice and Strong
Institutions - Promote Just, Peaceful and Inclusive Societies’, available at:
<http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sdgoverview/post-2015-development-agenda/goal-16.html>,
(accessed: 02/02/16)
33
Grim, B.,
supra n.1
27
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competitiveness, as measured by the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index. One
mechanism for this, according to the study, is that entrepreneurs are pushed to take their talents
elsewhere because limited religious freedom is also associated with more conflict, less stability,
higher overall restrictions on intellectual property rights and other important freedoms. Religious
hostilities and restrictions create climates that can drive away local and foreign investment,
undermine sustainable development, and disrupt huge sectors of economies. Without pursuing and
establishing freedom of religion or belief in Pakistan, which happily helps meet DfID’s New Aid
Strategy’s strategic objectives, the APPG believes that Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan will never be
realised.
To access the full evidence and reasoning for the APPG’s above
conclusions and recommendations,
please view the full report online via the web link provided by the APPG in the document attached
to this report.
KEY RECOMMENDATIONS
1. In light of the shortcomings and narrow focus of the
AK and SK
Upper Tribunal (Asylum and
Immigration Chamber) country guidance case, as outlined in the executive summary above,
a new country guidance case regarding Pakistani Christians is urgently required to provide
sufficient guidance for Pakistani Christian asylum cases, including for guidance contained in
the Home Office Country Information and Guidance (CIG) report on Pakistani Christians and
Christian converts. A new country guidance case requires looking closely at different
Christian denominations and manifestations of being Christian, including the distinct
experiences of Evangelical Christians, Catholic Christians and Christian women, not using
findings in relation to one of these groups to provide guidance on the experiences of all
Christians in Pakistan.
2. Should the previous recommendation not be immediately viable, the APPG urges the Home
Office to limit the use of the
AK and SK
case’s conclusions to providing guidance on its
facts– i.e. only providing guidance for the consideration of asylum cases regarding Pakistani
Evangelical Christians facing blasphemy charges lodged by non-State actors.
3. The UK Home Office should note and reflect in its Country Information and Guidance this
report’s conclusions that the members of
Ahmadiyya, Christian and Hindu communities in
Pakistan face very similar real risks of persecution, the likelihood of which depends on the
individual’s encounters
with and actions amongst people of other/different faiths or
beliefs. Just as the
MN and Others
country guidance case and the Home Office Country
Information and Guidance Report on Ahmadis recognise that Ahmadis, dependent on their
individual circumstances, do face a real risk of persecution, the same understanding should
be applied in guidance on Pakistani Christians and Hindus. (See Sections 4-5 of the full
report.)
4. To avoid statements that are sweeping in nature, not representative of the summary
guidance and not supported by either the background evidence contained in UK Home
Office County Information and Guidance reports (CIGs) or in the wider range of
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independent sources that report on conditions in Pakistan, policy summaries in CIGs should
not be used.
5. The UK Home Office should take account of judicial findings and objective information on
the safety of internal relocation of religious minorities, including Ahmadis, Christians and
Hindus in Pakistan. Developments in communications technologies, enabling information to
be quickly passed on about individuals targeted by extremist groups, even if they move
across the country, as well as strong
evidence outlining Pakistani authorities’ failure to
protect minority religious communities from attack, should be noted by the UK Home
Office and its CIGs amended accordingly. (See Sections 7-8 of the full report.)
6. The UK Home Office should ensure that all Home Office staff involved in asylum cases,
including interviewers, interpreters, case workers and presenting officers, are sufficiently
sensitised to and trained in the different religious doctrines and terminologies of religious
denominations in Pakistan, as well as the cultural contexts which have enabled and
supported the persecution of members of Pakistan’s minority religious communities. This
depth of understanding is particularly needed so that the religious and cultural contextual
meaning behind
the asylum applicant’s words can be clearly conveyed and understood.
7. In cases where individuals have been granted asylum on grounds of religious persecution,
the UK Home Office should fast-track
dependents’ applications and visas for them to join
the successful applicant. While it is of course welcome that dependents are permitted to
settle outside Pakistan, the current 3
– 6 month processing period of dependents’
applications is a time during which the applicants may also be at real risk of persecution.
8. As a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
Convention Against Torture (CAT), the Pakistani Government should be supported in
maintaining its international obligations that include protecting against violations of
freedom of religion or belief and repealing punishments (including those for blasphemy
convictions) that are inhuman and degrading or amount to torture. The APPG urges the UK
Department for International Development, in line with its strategic objectives outlined in
the last sub-section, to ensure that monetary aid is provided only to organisations and
government departments in Pakistan that can demonstrably prove their understanding of
and commitment to upholding Pakistan’s international human rights’
obligations.
9. The UK and Pakistan governments (in conjunction with the relevant national regulatory
bodies) must ensure compliance with the provisions of Article 20 (2) of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights both in the UK and Pakistan. In particular, the full
force of criminal sanctions need to be deployed in instances of advocacy or support
religious hatred amounting to incitement to violence, hostility or discrimination against
religious minorities of Pakistan. Such instances include advocacy or support of incitement
to violence towards Pakistani religious minorities that is broadcast on Pakistani media
channels in the UK.
(Please find additional recommendations at the end of each sub-section in the full report’s Sections 4
– 8. The full report can be accessed via the web link provided by the APPG on the document attached
to this report.)
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FULL REPORT ROADMAP & CONTENTS LIST
The first section of this report analyses the definition of ‘refugee’ and conceptualises the meaning of
‘persecution’, setting the legal framework within which the evidence regarding the experiences of
different Pakistani religious communities should be read. Having next outlined the religious
demography and Pakistan’s legal obligations in relation to the right to freedom of religion or belief,
the full report provides a brief historic overview and context of how this right has been upheld in
Pakistan. Using the evidence submitted to the APPG, the report then explores the different thematic
issues faced by different religious communities in Pakistan and goes on to analyse the distinct
experiences of some members of Pakistan’s Ahmadi, Christian, Sikh and Jewish communities.
Within the context of a case study, the report next outlines the situation faced specifically by
Christians who have fled Pakistan to seek asylum in Thailand. Having provided evidence on the
treatment of different religious groups in Pakistan, the final section turns to critically analyse the UK
policy and legislation faced by Pakistani asylum seekers, seeking refugee status in the UK on
grounds of religious persecution.
As it has not been possible to outline the full evidence and analysis in this abridged version of the full
report, please refer to the full online report for such evidence and analysis. The full report can be
accessed via the web link provided by the APPG on the document attached to this report.
Full Report Contents
Foreword
Introduction
Executive Summary
Key Recommendations
Full Report Roadmap & Contents
PART A – LEGAL, POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Section 1: Conceptualising the Meaning of ‘Persecution’ & The Definition of ‘Refugee’
Section 2: Religious Minorities of Pakistan: Demography and Legal Obligations in
Relation to Freedom of Religion or Belief
Section 3: Historic Overview and Context of Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief in
Pakistan
PART B – WHAT DO MEMBERS OF DIFFERENT RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN PAKISTAN
CURRENTLY FACE?
Section 4: Thematic Issues
-
Lack of Political Representation
-
Blasphemy Laws
-
Protection of Religious Minorities and their Defenders
-
Women & Girls from Religious Minorities
-
The Future: Educating the Next Generation
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Section 5: Analysing the Constitutionally-recognised Religious Minorities of Pakistan
-
Ahmadiyyas(sp)
-
Christians
-
Hindus
-
Sikhs
-
Jews
PART C – WHAT DO MEMBERS OF PAKISTANI RELIGIOUS MINORITY GROUPS SEEKING
ASYLUM CURRENTLY FACE?
Section 6: Outside the UK
-
Case Study: Christians in Thailand & UNHCR Bangkok Policy
Section 7: Inside the UK
Home Office Country Information & Guidance on Pakistani Religious Groups:
-
Home Office Country Information & Guidance Report on Ahmadis
-
Home Office Country Information & Guidance Report on Shi’as(check)
-
Home Office Country Information & Guidance Report on Christians & Christian
converts
Section 8: Procedural Issues with the UK Asylum System
Conclusions
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19