OSCEs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2014-15 (1. samling)
OSCE Alm.del Bilag 23
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AS (15) RP 3 E
Original: English
REPORT
FOR THE GENERAL COMMITTEE ON
DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS AND
HUMANITARIAN QUESTIONS
Recalling the Spirit of Helsinki
RAPPORTEUR
Ms. Gordana Comic
Serbia
HELSINKI, 5 – 9 JULY 2015
OSCE, Alm.del - 2014-15 (1. samling) - Bilag 23: Praktik og procedurer i forbindelse med den årlige session i Helsingfors fra 6. til 10. juli 2015
REPORT FOR THE GENERAL COMMITTEE
ON DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMANITARIAN QUESTIONS
Rapporteur: Ms. Gordana Comic (Serbia)
While gathering to celebrate the 40
th
anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, it is incumbent
upon us to examine whether the OSCE that we have today remains true to the spirit and
principles of that remarkable document. The Final Act was controversial in 1975, but has
been widely celebrated since the time of its signing. Today’s OSCE Institutions were built up
bit-by-bit over many years to help with the implementation of commitments made at the
political level. It is therefore appropriate to consider if the Institutions that we now have are
sufficient for this purpose, but also more importantly, to consider whether the political
dialogue currently taking place under the auspices of the OSCE is true to the OSCE/CSCE’s
roots.
The Helsinki Final Act overall was quite State-centric. The high priority given to the
“inviolability of frontiers” and to the “non-intervention in internal affairs” was criticised at
the time as a virtual ratification of the post-World War II borders. This was an agreement
between sovereign States, solidifying the States and their borders as they were at that time.
However, at the heart of the CSCE’s success was the seventh of the 10 Principles Guiding
Relations between participating States, commonly known as the Helsinki Decalogue. This
seventh principle, ‘Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the
freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief,’ added important perspective to the rest of
the document. This seventh principle, instead of focusing on States’ rights, put individuals’
rights front and centre. Indeed, it codified that the human rights of another State’s population
was a relevant matter of concern to all participating States. The development of subsequent
concepts like ‘human security’ and even the ‘responsibility to protect’ can arguably be traced
to Helsinki and the CSCE.
The concepts embodied in the Helsinki Final Act have undergone significant development
and deepening since 1975. It is no longer unusual for a country or international organization
to comment on the treatment by a government of its own people. We see this daily within the
OSCE region when countries rightly criticize each other for issues related to people
imprisoned for their political activities, for the continued use of the death penalty, for their
treatment of refugees, or for crackdowns on independent journalism and human rights
defenders. The fact that we hear so regularly of these cases clearly demonstrates that
implementation by States of their commitments is lacking, if there were any doubt.
A wide range of institutions and bodies have been established under the OSCE’s umbrella to
deal with many of the challenges identified in the Helsinki Final Act. In 1975, the drafters of
the Final Act focused particular attention on national minorities, freedom of the media and
religious freedom. The OSCE now has significant spokespersons who are effective in
highlighting concerns and suggesting remedies within these fields. The independent mandate
of the High Commissioner on National Minorities, who consults with the Chairperson-in-
Office but does not report to the Permanent Council, has made this an effective body for early
warning on issues related to minorities. The Representative on Freedom of the Media has
remained an effective monitor and a steadfast advocate of free speech in spite of increasing
criticism by some countries of the Institution and the Representative herself.
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Consistent monitoring of democratic rights has also largely been a success story within the
OSCE. While difficulties have regularly occurred in co-operation, the 1997 Co-operation
Agreement, governing relations between the OSCE PA and the ODIHR, has ensured that
parliamentarians play a leading role in the observation of elections. The independence that
elected politicians bring to this endeavour, supported with the strong technical abilities of the
ODIHR, has enabled OSCE observation missions to continue to speak with credibility and to
hold participating States to the commitments that they themselves have agreed to.
Another area which was a significant challenge in the 1970s, that of facilitating contacts
across borders and cultural exchanges, is much less relevant today with modern technology
and a more globalized world. However, the echo of this challenge remains today, with
significant differences throughout the OSCE region related to the treatment of refugees and
migrants. Countries’ neighbouring areas of humanitarian crisis have been carrying an
outsized burden in hosting refugees, and greater willingness to accept movement across
borders on humanitarian grounds is necessary.
Considering that much of the success of the Helsinki Final Act can be traced to the
recognition that individual rights are relevant on the international plane, it is necessary to
consider if the OSCE’s current functioning does justice to this founding principle. While the
key OSCE Institutions that have been established – the Parliamentary Assembly, the High
Commissioner for National Minorities, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights, and the Representative on Freedom of the Media – do put individuals’ rights at the
core of their mandates, the same cannot be said of the decision-making processes. The
Permanent Council of representatives of each OSCE participating State remains stubbornly
state-based in its approach. Not only does civil society lack a voice in this forum, but OSCE
populations are not even entitled to information on their deliberations. By steadfastly meeting
behind closed doors, with no media access or effective reporting on meetings, the public is
effectively shut out.
The Permanent Council of today is inadequate as a forum for dialogue, which was the entire
intention of the Helsinki process. Statements prepared in advance are read out, generally with
little change week after week. Reports from the OSCE PA’s Special Representative in Vienna
make it evident that the only change in recent years has been a sharpening of rhetoric. This
lack of effective dialogue and increasingly harsh language does little or nothing to alleviate
the very real human rights and humanitarian concerns that exist throughout the OSCE region.
Criticisms and counter-criticisms related to Russia’s occupation of parts of Ukraine and
continued support for separatist rebels there do little to address the dire human rights situation
of people personally impacted by the conflict. The fact of the matter is that human rights have
been politicized and are used as a tool for critique between states rather than as a safeguard
for individuals.
The failures in the OSCE’s decision-making process and the politicization of human rights
have hamstrung the OSCE’s ability to effectively monitor and report on problems. The OSCE
Ministerial Council has been unable to agree on any significant decisions within the human
rights field for several years. The need for consensus for the adoption of all decisions,
especially without the requirement to publicly justify positions, is a serious impediment to
human rights work. OSCE field missions – the crown jewels of the Organization – are more
and more restricted in their ability to report on human rights concerns, as host countries wield
their veto power in the Permanent Council to strip reporting out of missions’ mandates.
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Human rights concerns are rarely addressed in any depth in the Permanent Council. The
annual two-week Human Dimension Implementation Meeting (HDIM) is portrayed as the
appropriate forum for discussion on these topics, but is wholly inadequate as an effective
review mechanism of human rights in the OSCE area. The mere existence of the HDIM
serves as a convenient excuse to avoid effective discussion and monitoring of human rights
during the remaining 50 weeks of the year.
People have come to enjoy and expect the rights granted in Helsinki and thereafter, and they
see international organizations as supporting these rights. They consider – just as our leaders
in 1975 did – that their rights are legitimate issues for the international community to address.
Unfortunately, there is a clear push-back from governments in many OSCE countries against
this. They seek to reclaim international relations as the sole prerogative of the state, with no
regard paid to individual rights. It is unfortunate to admit, but the ‘spirit’ of Helsinki is
woefully lacking in the OSCE today, most notably in the human dimension.
Considering the applause that the CSCE/OSCE has received over the past 40 years, it is a
worthwhile effort to work to regain this lost spirit. This entails a clear and public recognition
that the fundamental rights of all OSCE peoples are the legitimate concern of all OSCE
countries. Effective implementation of these rights requires transparency through effective
and ongoing monitoring by robust and independent institutions and public reporting.
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