OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine

OSCE's parlamentariske Forsamling 2004-05 (2. samling)
OSCE Alm.del Bilag 3
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DECEMBER 2004

III

!MOE

OSCE reform and political crisis in Ukraine

dominate Ministerial Council meeting in Sofia

U.S. Election 2004:

Americans try to make sense of the OSCE

High Commissioner on National Minorities:

The education solution

Forsamling

OSCE's Parlamentariske

OSCE alm. del - Bilag 3

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Afghanistan votes

e OSCE breaks new ground in a partner country

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

The OSCE Magazine, which is also

available online, is published in English

A C

and Russian by the Press and Public

Information Section of the Organization for

-------

Security and Co-operation in Europe. The

views expressed in the articles are those of the authors

and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the

OSCE and its participating States.

Editor: Patricia N. Sutter

Contributing editors: Dmitri Alechkevitch, Alexander Nitzs

che

Designer: Nona Reuter

Researcher: Nadejda Poutchinian

Please send comments and contributions to:

[email protected]

Press and Public Information Section

OSCE Secretariat

Kårntner Ring 5-7

A-1010 Vienna, Austria

Tel.: (+43-1) 514 36-278

Fax: (+43-1) 514 36-105

Message from the Director

of the Office for Democratic

Institutions and Human Rights

It has been a very full election

year for the ODIHR, the OSCE

institution that has its origins in

the commitments on democratic

elections agreed in Copenhagen

in 1990.

In 2004, we deployed some 3,500

people on 12 observation missions

and three assessment missions. As

the OSCE Magazine went to press,

we announced details from Kyiv of our expanded Election

Observation Mission in Ukraine for the repeat of the

second round of the presidential election on 26 December.

Almost 150 election missions in the past decade —

some of which attracted considerable media attention —

testify to the vital role played by the ODIHR in assisting

transition democracies all across Central, Eastern and

south-eastern Europe.

More recently, we have also assessed elections in

longer-established democracies, as in the United States

in November. This autumn, the Organization expanded its

election-related activities by sending an Election Support

Team even further afield — for Afghanistan's presidential

election.

Although ODIHR reports sometimes carry constructive

criticism, I can guarantee that we strictly adhere to our

election observation mandate, applying a consistent

and objective methodology that was first introduced in

1996. The unique concept behind it has nothing to do

with casual impressions. Long-term observers assess, in

a comprehensive and effective manner, how national and

international election commitments are implemented.

I underline the fact that ODIHR election observation

reports do not speculate on the impact of observed

election violations on the poll's outcome. In the

monitoring and assessing of elections, the results are of

concern to us only insofar as they are reported honestly

and accurately.

Put simply, white our work is very much about politics,

it is not politicized. We leave it to others to draw their

political conclusions from the facts that we document.

As we in the ODIHR stand on the brink of another busy

election year, I wish to thank every one of our observers

from more than 40 countries for their professionalism and

integrity. It is their dedication that is translating the

ODIHR's election observation methodology into practical

reality.

I hope the special election articles in this issue of

the OSCE Magazine will contribute towards a better

understanding of the work of these committed men and

women.

Christian Strohal

Warsaw

December 2004

The Organization for Security and Go-operation in

Europe is a pan-European security body whose

55 participating States span the geographical area

from Vancouver to Vladivostok.

OSCE Chairmanship 2005: Slovenia

OSCE Structures and Institutions

Permanent Council, Vienna

Forum for Security Co-operation, Vienna

Secretariat, Vienna

OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Vienna

Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights,

Warsaw

High Commissioner on National Minorities, The Hague

OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, Copenhagen

Field Operations

Caucasus

OSCE Office in Baku

OSCE Mission to Georgia

OSCE Office in Yerevan

The Personal Representative of the Chairman-in-Office

on the Conflict Dealt with by the OSCE Minsk Conferenc

Central Asia

OSCE Centre in Almaty

OSCE Centre in Ashgabad

OSCE Centre in Bishkek

OSCE Centre in Dushanbe

OSCE Centre in Tashkent

Eastern Europe

OSCE Office in Minsk

OSCE Mission to Moldova

OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine

South-eastern Europe

OSCE Presence in Albania

OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina

OSCE Mission to Croatia

OSCE Mission in Kosovo

OSCE Spillover Monitor Mission to Skopje

OSCE Mission to Serbia and Montenegro

•

OSCE Magazine

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

December 2004 Vor1No. 5

0MCI

In this issue

12TH MINISTERIAL COUNCIL MEETING

OSCE reform and political crisis in Ukraine

dominate Ministerial Council meeting in Sofia

By Richard Murphy

AFGHANISTAN ELECTION 2004

Afghanistan votes:

The OSCE breaks new ground in a partner country

By Robert L. Barry

Kabul revisited:

More than just the "ink issue"

By Alexander Nitzsche

U.S. ELECTION 2004

Americans try to make sense of the OSCE:

Established democracy largely lives up

to electoral commitments

By Urdur Gunnarsdottir

Election observers/OSCE ambassadors:

Parliamentarians' dual roles come to the fore

By Barbara Haering

HIGH COMMISSIONER ON NATIONAL MINORITIE

The education solution:

Fostering harmony in diversity

By Rolf Ekeus

LL r •

VOTE

11,

ies:

Integrating ethnic Uzbeks into Kazakhstan's universit

Multilingual education matters

WOW

PERMANENT COUNCIL

The OSCE: "A mountain bike rather than a Ferrari"

An Italian swan song

By Guido Lenzi

OSCE's Election Support Team

Front cover: View from the bus transporting the

: Election billboards dotted the

from the Kabul airport to the hotel. Back cover

streets of Kabul and other big cities.

Photos: Alexander Nitzsche

wvvw.osce.org

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

ice

12TH MINISTERIAL COUNCIL MEETING

aria

Troika - Slovenia

OSCE reform and political crisis in

Ukraine dominate Sofia gathering

BY RICHARD MURPHY

OFIA —

The political crisis in

Ukraine, following the country's dis-

puted presidential election, and the

question of OSCE reform dominated

discussions among OSCE foreign ministers

at the 12th Ministerial Council meeting in

Sofia on 6 and 7 December.

For the second year in a row, the absence

of consensus on a number of key political

issues meant the two-day meeting ended

without an adoption of a ministerial

declaration.

But the ministers did adopt 19 decisions

on a range of issues, including fighting ter-

rorism, curbing illegal small arms and light

weapons, promoting tolerance and non-dis-

crimination, and combating corruption.

The Chairman-in-Office, Bulgarian Foreign

Minister Solomon Passy, recalled in his

address how important the Conference on

Security and Co-operation in Europe — the

forerunner of the OSCE — had been to

him and others of his generation as they

Bulgarian Foreign Minister

Solomon Passy hands

over the OSCE baton to

Slovenian Foreign Minister

Dimitrij Rupel.

Photo: OSCE/Svetoslav

Stanchev

struggled for democracy in Bulgaria in the

late 1980s.

He described the modern-day

Organization as a vital instrument for

ensuring security and stability in the OSCE

region and an inspiration for other parts of

the world. "I appeal to all the participating

States to make full use of the OSCE as a key

forum for political dialogue and co-operative

security," he said.

In the run-up to the meeting, the

Chairman-in-Office had devoted consid-

erable attention to the crisis in Ukraine

— provoked by the second round of the

presidential election on 21 November. OSCE

observers said the election failed to meet a

considerable number of OSCE commitments.

Hundreds of thousands of people took to the

streets of Kyiv to demand that it should be

repeated.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kostyantyn

Gryshchenko briefed his ministerial col-

leagues on the situation, while the OSCE

Ministerial Troika — the Netherlands,

Bulgaria and Slovenia — held informal talks

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

fundamental freedoms in

rainian

with Boris Tarasyuk, a former Uk

some OSCE States".

the

foreign minister, who now chairs

"Some countries have

parliamentary Committee on Europe

recently argued that the

gration.

Inte

OSCE's field work consti-

Chairman-in-Office asked Secretary

The

tutes interference in inter-

Jån KubiS' to return to Ukraine on

General

nal affairs, that the OSCE

than

6 December — his fourth visit in less

has `double standards',

g of

two weeks — to take part in a meetin

and that the OSCE has

politi-

international mediators with the main

concentrated its efforts in

cal actors to help resolve the impasse.

the former Soviet repub-

In Sofia, clear differences were appar-

lics for political reasons. I

ong the ministers as they discussed

ent am

categorically disagree," he

the

perceived shortcomings in the work of

added.

OSCE and the question of reform.

Chairman-in-Office

Belarusian Foreign Minister Sergei

Passy noted that the min-

n to

Martynov said: "The OSCE's contributio

isters had again failed to

formation of the system for comprehen

the

agree on a joint declara-

security in Europe is immense, obviou

sive

tion because of differences

able. It is, however, equally obvi-

and unargu

of opinion on issues such

ion

ous and unarguable that the Organizat

as Georgia and Moldova.

ctural

has been in an ever-growing deep stru

"In such a large

and conceptual crisis."

Organization, we could not

al-

He added: "Rectifying geographical imb

Russian Foreign

Minister Sergey Lavrov and

expect unanimity of opinion

ances in the OSCE's activities remain

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell in Sofia

all the issues," he said.

Photo: 0SCE/Svetoslav Stanchev

pressing problem."

"In my opinion, it is better to

gey Lavrov

Russian Foreign Minister Ser

acknowledge our differences

the OSCE could face an iden-

warned that

frankly than to agree on

sive

tity crisis and said it needed comprehen

guage of little substance."

some lowest-common-denominator lan

"do

reform. There was a major problem of

will continue to work

"In the months and years ahead, we

n observation mis-

ble standards" in electio

s in Georgia, Moldova and

intensively to achieve lasting settlement

ring was becom-

sions, and election monito

ns will be required from all

Nagorno-Karabakh. Courageous decisio

manipulation

ing "an instrument for political

must remain fully engaged."

the parties concerned and the OSCE

and a factor of destabilization".

Munh-Orgil attended his

Mongolian Foreign Minister Tsendyn

t the

"Unfortunately, it must be said tha

g since the OSCE Permanent

first OSCE Ministerial Council meetin

are

comparative advantages of the OSCE

of OSCE Partner for Co-opera-

Council granted his country the status

"The

being eroded," Minister Lavrov said.

tion a week earlier.

last Ministerial Council

Organization is not only ceasing to be

Secretary General Kubg, addressing his

ples but also,

forum uniting States and peo

office in June 2005, said he

meeting before the end of his term of

drive them

on the contrary, is beginning to

OSCE from an instrument for

had witnessed the evolution of the

apart."

l for building a united Europe

bridging Cold War divisions into a too

nard

However, Dutch Foreign Minister Ber

ues.

on the basis of shared democratic val

alf of the European

organized and better man-

Bot, speaking on beh

"We are much more operational, better

con-

Union, said that while the OSCE must

OSCE missions and institu-

aged than we were a decade ago. The

ents,

tinue to adapt to changing environm

d. But he questioned whether

s are a proven success," he declare

tion

this did not mean starting from scratc

responding to new security

the OSCE was sufficiently dynamic in

is firmly root-

"On the contrary, the OSCE

mon values and asked

challenges without abandoning its com

ilitary,

ed in its three dimensions: politico-m

participating States.

whether it remained relevant to all the

an,"

economic and environmental, and hum

as a forum for high-level

"We need to reinvigorate the OSCE

that

but

he said. "The OSCE should evolve,

l issues of security in order to

political dialogue on the most topica

ady

implies moving on from what has alre

lines in Europe," the Secretary

prevent the opening of new dividing

the

been achieved. It does not — and in

a platform for a `Europe

General added. "Only the OSCE can be

ion should not

opinion of the European Un

our European, Central Asian and

whole and free', embracing equally

ements."

— mean undoing those achiev

North American States."

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell,

al Council, see:

For more on the OSCE's 12th Ministeri

meet-

addressing his last Ministerial Council

www.osce.org/events/mc/bulgaria20

ce, said that the OSCE

ing before leaving offi

ents of

lic

could be proud of the accomplishm

son and Head of the Press and Pub

Richard Murphy is OSCE Spokesper

the Helsinki Process, but that the United

Information Section.

ful-

States remained concerned by the "un

pect for

filled promises of democracy and res

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

J.J-,-•'

1 ,

tbrin

LSLÅ4.," '

Afghanistan votes

The ()SCE breaks new round

in a partner country

Billboards showing

presidential candidates

Massouda Jalal and

Hamid Karzai in Kabul's

Karteh Parwan district

Photo: Alexander Nitzsche

BY ROBERT L. BARRY

n election day, 9 October 2004, the

long drought in Afghanistan broke.

Millions of voters waited patiently

in rain and snow to cast their votes

in the first-ever election for a Head of State.

In Herat, hundreds of women barged into

a polling station when its opening was

delayed, much to the amusement of the

police standing guard.

More than eight million Afghans — near-

ly three-quarters of the eligible voters —

came out to cast their ballot despite threats

to their lives by Taliban remnants and

al-Qaeda. These were not empty threats,

as evidenced by sporadic election-related

violence all over the country, the discovery

of caches of explosives and weapons on the

eve of the polls and the kidnapping of three

United Nations election personnel which

could have easily ended tragically.

Thankfully, on election day itself, an

extraordinary effort by the Afghan

National Army, intelligence service and

police, supported by NATO's International

Security Assistance Force and the U.S.-

led Coalition Forces Command, created a

secure environment.

The OSCE broke new ground in

Afghanistan. For the first time, it deployed

an election team to one of its ten Partners

for Co-operation. The concept of hands-on

election support was new, and obviously

the unpredictable security environment

posed serious challenges. The entire proc-

ess of registering voters and preparing for

elections in a war-torn country with a weak

infrastructure was both dangerous and

complex.

It was an emotional moment for Afghans,

and it was gratifying to all of us who took

part in this historic event that the OSCE

figured prominently in its success. This was

the view of President Hamid Karzai and the

Afghan transitional Government, the United

Nations Assistance Mission to Afghanistan

(UNAMA), and the OSCE Permanent

Council. In his letter of 15 November, the

outgoing U.S. Secretary of State, Colin

Powell, also commended the "extraordi-

nary contribution" of the OSCE's Election

Support Team (EST).

CO-OPERATIVE TECHNICAL

ASSISTANCE

Devising a new concept of mission opera-

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

only the vaguest notion of the meaning of

tions had proved important since many

democracy, a surprisingly high number of

experienced election observers were more

issues were familiar to us, since we had

comfortable with the kind of detailed,

previously encountered them in elections in

arm's-length scrutiny usual in observa-

countries in transition:

tion missions of the Office for Democratic

• Intimidation and secrecy of the vote.

Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).

Typically, candidates and their agents

The concept paper described the task as "a

fuelled rumours that voters' choices could

co-operative technical assistance mission",

not be kept secret. Coupled with threats

where the OSCE's constructive advice is

of retaliation by warlords and tribal lead-

actively sought and given.

ers, this caused widespread concern. As a

Team members were encouraged to point

result, counting was centralized in eight

out serious problems as they occurred and

counting centres around the country

to make suggestions as to how to correct

instead of being handled at the voting cen-

them. In drawing up recommendations, the

tres or at the provincial level.

Support Team concentrated on the parlia-

• Advantage of incumbency. Hamid

mentary elections scheduled to take place

Karzai, who had been selected President

in the spring of 2005. The OSCE teams were

by the emergency Loya Jirga in 2002 with

invited to work closely with their European

the support of the United States and others,

Union counterparts, just as I worked

used his incumbency in ways criticized by

closely with Richard Chambers, head of

his rivals, for example, by inaugurating aid

the EU election support team, and Francesc

projects financed by the international com-

Vendrell, special representative of the EU in

munity during the month-long campaign

Afghanistan.

period.

As expected, given the volatile security

• Impartiality of the election authority.

situation, the deployment plan shifted fre-

incumbent's rivals were highly critical

quently depending on events and the ability The

of the supposed pro-Karzai stance of the

of Global Risk Strategies, the OSCE's con-

JEMB and its secretariat, whose Afghan

tracted security firm, to provide logistical

members were appointed by the President

support.

— though on the basis of recommendations

In the end, four two-person teams were

by UNAMA, which had been widely dis-

assigned to Kabul, each with a distinct

cussed in advance with interested parties.

functional focus. Two -person teams were

• Multiple voting. During voter registra-

deployed to the regional centres of Bamyan,

tion, it was clear that many Afghans had

Gardez, Herat, Jalalabad and Kandahar,

acquired more than one "voter card", the

and to the provincial capital, Fayzabad.

identification which, in the absence of a

Two two -person teams were assigned to

voter register, had to be presented by voters

the regional centres of Kunduz and Mazar-

at polling stations. Although these multi-

i-Sharif. Most teams paired a man and a

woman. On election day, EU and OSCE

teams often merged so that we could send

UN voter education

posters

two-person female teams into polling sta-

illustrating the voting

tions for women.

procedure, including the

ELECTION ISSUES

finger-inking to avoid

Immediately on arrival in the field, team

multiple voting (far right)

members began meeting with party and

srAT

idate representatives, election admin-

cand

istrators and domestic election monitors

and human rights groups. While the OSCE's

Election Support Team was a latecomer to

the scene compared with the EU, we were

able to orient ourselves quickly, thanks to

the experience of our teams and the help

provided by the EU, the UN and the elec-

tion administrators — the Joint Electoral

Management Body (JEMB) and its secre-

tariat.

Although there was much uncharted ter-

ritory in a country which had never before

elected a Head of State, and where the

majority of voters were illiterate and had

f$1 5122L"ft°

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

Faced with these concerns, the Election

Support Team set out to reassure the candi-

dates and their supporters that the polling

process was designed to protect the inter-

ests of all. To this end, I gave a number of

press interviews and statements stressing

that the secrecy of the ballot was protected

and that safeguards concerning the integri-

ty of the process were in place. Kabul-based

expert teams began sitting in on meetings

of the JEMB and collecting information

about complaints and appeals and how

they were being dealt with.

ELECTION DAY

ple cards appeared to have been obtained

On the eve of elections, 8 October,

by voters for various purposes, there was

reports were spreading that the Taliban and

widespread suspicion that multiple voting

al-Qaeda were preparing to disrupt the elec-

would be orchestrated. The use of indelible

tion through suicide attacks, assaults on

ink had been advertised as "the last line of

polling stations and the like. As the OSCE

defence" against this scenario. This back-

mandate did not require detailed monitor-

ground set the stage for the election-day

ing in polling places, Support Team experts

controversy revolving around the ink that

were instructed to begin visiting polling

was used in some polling centres.

stations only after 9 a.m., by which time

• Vote count. Although the idea behind

the developing security situation would

centralizing the vote count in eight centres

have become clearer.

was to protect the secrecy of the vote, it

It was soon evident that voting around

also created vulnerabilities regarding the

the country was taking place in an orderly,

transport of the ballots from polling sta-

peaceful manner, with both men and

tions to the centres and the security of the

women eager to have their say and patient-

centres. In some cases, election materials

ly waiting in lines of sometimes up to more

had to be moved by donkey, which took up

than a thousand people. In most polling

to five days in each direction.

places, OSCE experts and other monitors

• Complaints and appeals. In Afghanistan,

were hospitably welcomed by voters and

the sword remains mightier than the pen,

administrators, who were obviously proud

and there is no tradition to support the

of their accomplishment in carrying out the

formal complaints procedures typical in

first election of a national leader.

OSCE participating States. The Election

Team members saw little evidence of

Support Team concluded at an early stage

partisanship or intimidation; to most

that procedures established to investigate

Afghans, the very act of voting seemed

complaints were inadequate, especially on

more important than who was elected. To

election day.

the question of what results they wanted

• Election administration. To staff 22,000

from the election, a frequent answer was

polling stations, it was necessary to recruit

"an end to the rule of the gun" and a curb-

and train more than 140,000 election work-

ing of the power of local "commanders"

ers, who took on significant personal risk,

and militias.

particularly where the Taliban or local war-

The first signs of trouble came at mid-

lords hostile to President Karzai's candidacy

morning on 9 October, when the Joint

held sway. Many candidates doubted the

Electoral Management Body and the

impartiality of election workers recruited

OSCE heard reports that the indelible ink,

by local community leaders (or "command-

which was designed to be the "last line

ers").

of defence" against multiple voting, was

v't

Voting on 9 October 2004

was relatively peaceful.

Photos: Alexandre Marion,

Stephanie Bleeker,

Brian Steers

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

ns. Hamid

easy to remove in some locatio

call to

Karzai's rivals quickly mounted a

this meant

boycott the election. In practice,

n to be

that they were asking for the electio

annuled and held all over again.

exag-

In the face of mounting — if greatly

al media

gerated — reports in the internation

A head,

about "chaos", Jean Arnault, UNAM

called a crisis meeting to decide how

react. The OSCE and the EU offered the

uling

advice, which was that calls for ann

that,

the election were unjustifiable and

uld

instead, the opposition candidates sho

their

be offered a credible forum in which

s deci-

complaints would be investigated. Thi

t same

sion was announced by the JEMB tha

afternoon, while the polls were still ope

voter

There was no noticeable decline in

call.

turnout in response to the "boycott"

arent

After the polls closed, it became app

ering

that Hamid Karzai's rivals were consid

ction

whether to refuse to recognize the ele

results and to call on their supporters

possibil-

take to the streets — a disturbing

and

ity. It was clear that the ink problem

not

other irregularities on election day had

ula-

resulted from efforts at political manip

have

tion, nor was it likely that they could

had a significant impact on the outcom

Although the mandate of the Electio

nounce-

Support Team did not foresee a pro

red

ment on whether the elections measu

encour-

up to international standards, I was

and

aged by the OSCE Secretary General

ive

the Chairman-in-Office to play an act

., on

role in situations like this. At 11 a.m

Media

10 October, I appeared at the Kabul

the

Centre to issue a statement describing

tely

call to nullify the election as comple

s to

unjustified and urging the candidate

nspar-

make use of the "thorough and tra

the

ent" investigation process offered by

JEMB and UNAMA.

In my statement and at the press con

ference that followed, I stressed that,

istan,

October was an historic day in Afghan

polls

and the millions who came to the

e of the

clearly wanted to turn from the rul

ions

gun to the rule of law. If their aspirat

idity of

are to be met, disputes about the val

h as the

election results should be dealt wit

law provides".

by a

The OSCE statement was followed

spe-

similar one on 11 October by the EU

But

cial representative, Francesc Vendrell.

at the

because the OSCE statement came

tober,

beginning of the news cycle on 10 Oc

ction

at a time when the success of the ele

appeared to be hanging in the balanc

side

it dominated the news inside and out

ions of

Afghanistan and affected the act

Hamid Karzai's rivals.

was not

As the statement said, the OSCE

viously,

validating the election results (ob

nor pass-

the vote count had not yet begun)

com-

ing judgment on the merits of the

gularities,

plaints. Certainly there were irre

e of

including but not limited to the issu

igated,

indelible ink. These should be invest

the

and conclusions should be based on

facts as determined by the investigator

On 11 October, the Election Suppor

with the

Team and others began consulting

es who

14 candidates and their representativ

elec-

had called for the annulment of the

most of

tion. It quickly became apparent to

pro-

them that the ink issue alone did not

the elec-

vide a basis for their demands that

tion be annuled.

The candidates' attention shifted to oth

polls,

issues, such as voter access to the

lot-box

bias and intimidation of voters, bal

vot-

stuffing, multiple voting, under-aged

and

ing and issues related to the count

polls

the security of ballot boxes after the

s indi-

closed. Most of the leading candidate

in the

cated their willingness to participate

investigation proposed by the JEMB.

the

The OSCE Election Support Team and

discus-

EU joined UNAMA and the JEMB in

tion

sions on how to organize an investiga

didates.

that would be acceptable to all can

On 11 October, the JEMB appointed

om-

impartial panel of election experts rec

mended by UNAMA to investigate com

to draw

plaints relating to election day and

olving

up recommendations on ways of res

those complaints.

The panel, consisting of Craig Jennes

and

(Canada), Staffan Darnolf (Sweden)

thor-

David Mathieson (UK), undertook a

ough and transparent review of all the

submit-

complaints within its mandate, and

to the

ted a report and recommendations

clusion

JEMB on 31 October. The central con

Ambassador Barry briefs

the press at the UN

premises in Kabul.

Photo: Alexander Nitzsche

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

Jilt lit

authority are usually not sorry to see us

leave. Although they may appreciate the

co-

operation of ODIHR experts between

elec-

tion cycles, the conclusions and recom

men-

dations normally provided at the missio

n's

conclusion are less welcome, especially

since they sometimes validate complaints

made by the opposition.

In contrast, farewell calls made by the

Ballot boxes are collected,

Election Suppor

t Team on 18 October were

packed and dispatched to

uniformly positiv

•

e. Our comment that

counting centres.

parliamentary electio

ns could be held in

Photos: Brian Steers,

spring if decisions

were made promptly

Jared Hays

was particularly welcome,

not necessarily

because it was thought the new govern

ment

would choose to begin its term by dec

iding

on difficult issues, but because the rec

om-

mendations highlighted what exactly

had to

be done. The invitation to the OSCE

to con-

tinue to contribute to the process of dem

oc-

racy-building and elections was univer

sal

and heartfelt.

I have been involved with the OSCE

in one capacity or another since the

of the

report was:

Stockholm Conference of 1984-1985. In

"This was a commendable election, par

opinion, never has the Organization so

viv-

ticularly given the very challenging circ

um-

idly displayed its flexibility, innovative

ness

stances. There were shortcomings, ma

and ability to respond effectively to new

of which were raised by the candidate

challenges as in Afghanistan.

themselves. These problems deserved

to be

"ACTIVIST" APPROACH

considered, to ensure the will of the

voters

The contribution that the OSCE was

was properly reflected, and to help sha

able to make to Afghanistan's first pre

si-

improvements for future elections. But

they

dential election was not exactly what

could not have materially affected the

over-

Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah

or the

all result."

United Nations Assistance Mission had

This finding was fully consistent wit

mind when an invitation to "observe"

was

the preliminary views of the OSCE Ele

ction

extended to the Organization on 6 Jul

Support Team.

2004.

On 3 November, after considering the

A traditional OSCE/ODIHR observatio

report of the impartial panel, the JEM

mission involves several weeks of wo

certified Hamid Karzai as the winner

of the

by a few long-term observers, followed

election with a little over 55 per cent

enough short-term observers to cover

a sta-

the vote. Four other candidates, all tied

tistically significant number of polling

places

minority ethnic groups and to irregul

ar mili-

on election day. More important, it is

tias, garnered more than 10 per cent

each.

arm's-length relationship, in which obs

erv-

In the wake of the JEMB certification

ers must avoid any involvement in the

proc-

most of the candidates grudgingly acc

epted

ess, beyond concluding whether or not

inter-

the verdict of the independent panel

national standards have been met.

experts, while still insisting that the

JEMB

An initial assessment visit to the cou

was not an impartial body. Due to

the

try, from 11 to 14 July, led to the dec

ision

investigative process, the announcem

ent of

that "observation" in the usual sense of

the results was delayed for a few day

s, but

the word was not practical, for securi

the threat that substantial elements

of the

and logistical reasons. In addition, as

population would not accept the legitim

acy

Afghanistan was not an OSCE participat

of the elections was averted. The OSC

ing State, it could not be held to the ele

Election Support Team and the EU pla

yed

tion standards as set forth in the OSC

an important role in achieving this end

Copenhagen Document of 1990.

In my experience as the head of previ-

The OSCE Permanent Council's

ous OSCE/ODIHR election observation mis

Decision No. 622 of 29 July 2004 assign

sions, the host government and the ele

ction

the Election Support Team the task

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

of analysing the electoral process in

Afghanistan and recommending suitable

electoral and legislative improvements in

advance of parliamentary, provincial and

local elections in 2005. The Team was

asked to pay particular attention to voter

registration, the performance of electoral

commissions, vote count and tabulation, as

well as the complaint and appeals process.

For this purpose, the Permanent Council

approved a team of up to 50 election

experts for a period of up to 45 days.

Also invited to observe, the European

Union, too, decided independently to field a

Democracy and Election Support Mission of

a similar size. Neither the OSCE nor the EU

mission, or teams fielded by Russia, Japan

and various international NGOs, could

make any pretence of providing a large-

scale presence on election day. At the same

time, however, the more flexible mandates

of the OSCE and the EU, coupled with invi-

tations from the Afghan authorities and the

UN to provide advice during the election

process, gave both organizations a more

active role to play than would have been

the case with normal "observation".

Prior to the arrival of the Election Support

Team's advance party on 15 September,

there was a second assessment mission and

a visit by OSCE Secretary General Jån KubiS

and the Director of his Office, Didier Fau.

The aim was to nail down security arrange-

ments and reach the necessary agreements

with international military commands and

the election authorities.

A key decision was to contract a private

security company with an extensive pres-

ence in Afghanistan, Global Risk Strategies

(GRS), to handle logistics and security mat-

ters. A GRS representative was to be with

every team deployed at all times to advise

on security issues, arrange for transport and

interpreters and provide secure lodging.

A second key decision was to formally

vest the Head of Mission with full respon-

sibility for decisions on deployment of

OSCE personnel in the field. The Secretary

General and the OSCE Chairman-in-Office

made it imperative that safety and security

were to be the main considerations in car-

rying out the mission.

To ensure that the best possible advice

was available to the Head of Mission,

the OSCE's Senior Security Co-ordinator,

Declan Greenway, was assigned as Deputy

Head of Mission for Security. Graham

Elson, an experienced election administra-

tor and observer from the United Kingdom,

was Deputy Head of Mission for Elections.

Members

of the OSCE

Election Support Team get

their communications and

security gear ready.

Photos: Viktor Kryshevich,

Brian Steers

TEAM DEPLOYMENT

In preparation for a core team deployment

on 26 September, an advance party headed

by Project Manager Mark Etherington

and Operations Co-ordinator Philip

Hatton arrived in Kabul on 15 September.

Immediately after heading the election mis-

sion to observe Kazakhstan's parliamen-

tary elections of 19 September, I rushed to

Vienna for consultations on 22 September.

The UNAMA and most OSCE participat-

ing States advocated an activist approach

to the mission, with a contingent as close

as possible to the 50 authorized by the

Permanent Council. Despite the short notice

and the hazards inherent in the mission,

participating States responded by second-

ing several dozen volunteers, most of

whom had extensive experience in election

administration and monitoring, often in

dangerous environments. Almost half of the

volunteers were women.

A core team of 14 was joined by 28

secondees, who arrived in Kabul on 29

September. Our immediate challenge on

arrival was to ensure adequate security,

develop a mission concept, decide on a

deployment plan, and brief and deploy the

teams of experts.

It had been clear from the first assess-

ment visit that the Intercontinental Hotel

in Kabul could be made secure only if ade-

quate perimeter security were provided by

the Afghan National Army and the Ministry

of the Interior. Despite frequent assurances,

as of 27 September, perimeter security

was still inadequate. We explained to the

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

Shqipe Habibi from Kosovo,

part of the UN election

team, supervises the

counting and registration

of ballot boxes. A few days

after this photo was taken,

she and two colleagues

were kidnapped by a

militant Afghan group and

released four weeks later.

Photo: Olivier d'Auzon

Afghan authorities that unless steps were

taken to resolve the problem, the OSCE

teams' scheduled arrival on 29 September

would be cancelled.

On 28 September, a strong security force

arrived on the scene, headed by an Afghan

general who remained responsive to OSCE

requests.

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS:

THE WAY AHEAD

As a latecomer to the scene, the OSCE

Election Support Team saw its niche in a

close review of improvements in process

and legislation required before the parlia-

mentary elections, notionally scheduled for

April-May of 2005. Most observers agreed

that these elections would be more conten-

tious and more difficult to stage than the

presidential elections, and most election

experts felt that it would be impossible to

meet the spring timeline.

The Support Team set out to exam-

ine these assumptions through meetings

around the country with political actors,

election administrators, international

military forces and others. On 18 October,

the Team presented its recommendations

to Foreign Minister Abdullah, Special

Representative of the UN Secretary-General

Jean Arnault, and the Joint Electoral

Management Body and its secretariat.

The Support Team commended the con-

duct of the elections, while observing that

shortcomings had been organizational in

nature rather than being matters of pre-

meditated dishonesty. However, it stressed

that political will would have to be dem-

onstrated by President Karzai and his new

Government if the necessary practical steps

were to be taken that would permit holding

parliamentary, and possibly local, elections

in the spring of 2005.

As our report says, "inaction will make

postponement of parliamentary elections

inevitable". The "road map" accompanying

the report points to basic decisions con-

cerning the method of election, the elec-

tion administration's structure, and a new,

improved plan for voter education that must

be made 180 days in advance of election

day — in other words, immediately.

Along with other international election

experts, the OSCE Election Support Team

believed that the system planned for parlia-

mentary elections — the single non -trans-

ferable vote system — was neither practical

nor appropriate. The Team recommended

a hybrid system in which a portion of the

legislature would be elected from party lists

for a single nation-wide constituency, while

the remainder would be elected from multi-

member constituencies. Similar systems

exist in many other transitional societies.

Because the parliamentary elections will

affect the power base of ethnic leaders and

warlords, they will inevitably be more hotly

contested than the presidential elections.

Consequently, there must be increased

emphasis on achieving disarmament,

demobilization and reintegration, and on

enhancing the capabilities of the police and

the Afghan National Army.

As the Election Support Team's report

emphasizes, before parliamentary elections

are undertaken, there must be a complete

overhaul of the JEMB and its secretariat

and an expansion of the system of electoral

commissions down to the provincial level.

The system for dealing with complaints

and appeals must also be fundamentally

strengthened. The OSCE can and should

play a role in these capacity-building

efforts.

In most cases, the Team's recommenda-

tions complement and reinforce those of the

EU support mission and the impartial panel

established by UNAMA. There is every

reason for the UN, the EU and the OSCE to

work together on these issues in the future.

Ambassador Robert L. Barry was Head of the OSC

E Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina from January

1998 to June 2001.

Prior to his role in Afghanistan, he either led or

participated in OSCE/ODIHR observation missions

to Serbia and Montenegro,

Armenia, Albania, the Russian Federation and Kaza

khstan. He was also part of the Carter Centre's

delegation that observed the

presidential elections in Indonesia in July. He has

had a long career with the U.S. Government, inclu

ding as Ambassador to the

Stockholm Conference on Disarmament in Europe

and as co-ordinator of U.S. assistance programmes

for Eastern and Central

Europe and the former Soviet Union. He also served

as Ambassador to Bulgaria and Indonesia, as well as

Deputy Director of

the Voice of America.

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

AFGHANISTAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2004

Kabul revisited

More than just the "ink issue"

BY ALEXANDER NITZSCHE

Women outside a polling

station in Jalalabad

proudly show off their

registration cards.

Photo: Stephanie Bleeker

ver since my first visit to Kabul, last-

ing barely 24 hours, I had always been

on the lookout for an ideal opportuni-

ty to go back for a longer stay. A little

more than a year ago, I was part of a dele-

gation that travelled through several Central

Asian countries with Dutch Foreign Minister

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the OSCE Chairman-

in-Office in 2003 and now NATO Secretary

General. On a side trip to Afghanistan, the

Minister met President Hamid Karzai and

dropped in on the Dutch troops at "Camp

Warehouse" outside Kabul.

Two things stand out vividly from my

introduction to Kabul: the gut-wrenching

nose-dive performed by the German Transall

transport plane, simultaneously releasing a

series of anti-missile flares with a deafening

bang, and the dusty brown-yellow colour

enveloping the landscape in the wake of

another sandstorm.

My next flight to Kabul, on 28 September

2004, in a civilian United Nations Human-

itarian Air Service plane, was far less spec-

tacular, including the simple sandwiches

that were handed out. But Kabul's dust was

still there, and so was the overwhelming

feeling of nervousness and curiosity I had

felt more than a year earlier.

This time, I came with a 42-member

OSCE team that had been sent by the

Organization's participating States to assist

Afghanistan in its first-ever presidential elec-

tion and to put together recommendations

for the parliamentary polls scheduled in

spring 2005.

We all had taken part in several elec-

tion observation missions. Some of us were

armed with special credentials, earned

from previous lengthy assignments in the

region. Several spoke Dad or Pashtu, or both

— the languages spoken by the majority of

Afghans.

My task was to take care of the informa-

tion needs of journalists, which I knew was

going to be demanding, considering the

keen interest of the international media in

the Afghan polls. They were the main event

on the global news agenda, it seemed to me,

immediately before the U.S. elections.

I also came with another brief. In

September 2003, my wife, Georgina, had

spent two weeks in Kabul for an Austrian

NGO to set up a grassroots initiative to con-

vey to Afghan women an understanding of

democratic principles, especially the concept

behind elections. My suitcase was crammed

with training manuals and audio cassettes

for distribution to local NGOs. The project

was modest, but feedback from the training

seminars was heartening: The women of

Afghanistan were raring to vote.

The security situation was a matter of

serious concern to us all. We had been

asked to keep our heads down, and our free-

dom of movement was highly restricted. We

were ordered not to venture out alone in the

city and after dark. The car-bomb suicide

attack against a U.S.-run security company

in Kabul was much discussed over dinner at

the Hotel Intercontinental, where we were

staying.

The first few days were spent in brief-

ings, briefings, and, to wrap up the day,

some more briefings. On the third day, flak

jackets, helmets and communications gear

were handed out. Reports by the field teams

from the regional centres via the satellite

equipment were to be received at the "base

camp", a room on the hotel's fourth floor.

Finally, we thought, here was something to

set our practical work in motion.

We were just in the middle of heaving the

15-kg jackets over our shoulders and figur-

ing out how to work the satellite phones

when I started receiving the first calls from

journalists. As expected, every major inter-

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

Voters' ink is applied at a

polling centre for women

in Jalalabad.

Photo: Stephanie Bleeker

national media outlet, from the U.S. broad-

caster, ABC, to the German weekly,

Die Zeit,

had sent a team to Afghanistan. All seemed

to have arrived on the same flight, descend-

ing en masse on the "Intercon".

Initially, the mission managed to keep a

low profile, but not surprisingly, media inter-

est in the role of the Election Support Team

grew. There seemed no end to inquiries, so

we thought it wiser to hold a press confer-

ence to spell out our mandate rather than

attempting to respond individually to every

request for an interview.

This decision turned out to be a smart

one: Because of the dearth of real news sto-

ries prior to election day — there was hardly

any campaigning going on — some report-

ers tried sniffing around for issues where

there weren't any. For a very short while,

the press conference, in which we explained

the merits of a small mission, filled the news

vacuum.

On election day, I woke up to the

muezzin's call for the first prayers of the

day. Gradually, the city turned on its lights,

dispelling the darkness. The streets were

strewn with red-brown piles of sand and

dust, remnants of a desert storm, and the

air was veiled with a thick fog. I wondered

what the coming hours would bring. Would

the prediction of our security specialists —

that the voting would be marred by violence

and clashes — come true?

As it turned out, 9 October 2004 was

probably one of the quietest days in

Afghanistan's recent history. Kabul's streets,

normally clogged with traffic, were almost

deserted.

While the capital was nearly incident-

free, however, the same could not be said

for the rest of the country. Security reports

described shootings and explosions. In a

ing massive throngs of

Afghan female voters at poll-

ing centres, queuing patiently

or beside themselves with

excitement, flashed around the

world.

More than 40 per cent of

all the registered voters were

women, and as likely as not,

most of them exercised their

right to be heard.

What did Afghan women

have to gain from the elec-

tion?

In fact, only one of the 18

presidential candidates was a

woman — Dr. Massouda Jalal,

a paediatrician and ethnic

Tajik, who ran on an independ-

ent ticket.

Early exit polls suggested

that she had received only 8

per cent of the female vote;

many women were sceptical

Afghanistan's women: No looking back

Television

footage show-

about her "independent" sta-

for them. Today, women can

tus and felt that her husband

exerted considerable behind-

the-scenes influence over her.

Final results showed that she

ranked sixth, receiving 1.1 per

cent of the vote.

Although some of the male

presidential candidates did

name a woman as one of their

two vice-presidential running

mates, none advocated a par-

ticularly strong gender-related

agenda, which would anyway

have been difficult to imple-

ment in Afghanistan's tradi-

tion-bound society.

For decades, despite the

fact that they comprised some

60 per cent of society, Afghan

women were not allowed to

make the most ordinary deci-

sions affecting their own lives.

The 2001 Bonn Agreement

opened up a whole new world

especially for its educated

go outside the home on their

urban population. They have

own, earn a living, and attend

been there before.

school and university. Their

This time around, however,

first-time presence at the

the stakes are higher. There

Olympic Games in Athens in

is no turning back, no leaving

August was a breakthrough

Afghanistan in the hands of

that was much-heralded around warlords ever again.

the world.

Afghan women, with the

The parliamentary elections

help of the international com-

in 2005 will usher in even

munity, simply have no choice

more progress: The electoral

but to take their destiny into

law guarantees women a 25 per their own hands —not

merely

cent minimum political repre-

through the ballot but by

sentation in parliament.

becoming deeply and politi-

No matter how dramatic

cally involved in the rebuilding

these changes are, however,

of their war-torn country and

Afghanistan's women still need

in its evolving institutions.

to struggle to be able to take

Massouda Jatal may have

giant strides to catch up with

emerged disappointed at her

their sisters in many other

performance in the presidential

Muslim societies. Fortunately,

election, but she can be proud

the concepts of freedom of

to have blazed the trail.

choice and gender equality are

not a novelty for Afghanistan,

Alexander Nitzsche

CE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

and a

close call, a truck filled with gasoline

d by

remote-controlled bomb was intercepte

far cry

police in Kandahar. Even so, it was a

from what had been widely forecast.

A common theory was that even the

level of

Afghan militants were amazed at the

e to

enthusiasm with which people had gon

ding

cast their ballots. Everywhere, long, win

zens

queues led to polling centres. Many citi

some-

trudged through inclement weather,

had to

times for hours, only to find that they

the head

wait several more hours to move to

of the queue.

In the meantime, it emerged that, all ove

were

the country, many Afghan polling staff

ink

encountering problems with the indelible

that was meant to mark a voter's finger

in a

avoid multiple voting, a practice used

suc-

number of new democracies, with much

out

cess. It appeared that the ink had turned

been.

to be less indelible than it should have

Before we knew it, some presidential

candidates started talking about voter frau

and annulment of election results. Despi

the absence of violence and a massive

ever

voter turnout, the international media,

hungry for a fresh spin on the news, we

competing to file stories on the "chaos

and "turmoil" in Afghanistan's first-ever

presidential election.

s of

The day after the elections, report

certain

angry demonstrators filtered in from

wind

parts of the country. Having gotten

elec-

of the possibility of a boycott of the

ults,

tion and the annulment of election res

pleas-

crowds were making known their dis

elec-

ure at the candidates and the overall

tion process.

that

At this juncture, the OSCE team felt

silent.

the mission could no longer remain

In Kabul's newly-refurbished Amani Hig

School, which served as the temporary

international media centre, Ambassad

Robert Barry, the head of the Election

Support Team, read out a statement sup

porting Afghanistan's Joint Electoral

di-

Management Body in its view: The can

dates' demand that the election should

nullified was unjustified.

His statement proved to be a turning

point.

Many will remember little else about

one

this election than the "ink issue". But

image will stay with me forever: the tran

formation of the Afghan landscape into

intense blue sea of

burqas,

as thousands

fearless women flocked to polling station

pushing and shoving and elbowing the

way to the ballot box.

Alexander Nitzsche,

a Press and Public

Information Officer

in the OSCE

Secretariat, served as

spokesperson for the

Election Support Team

in Afghanistan.

us"

Afghanistan "reflects positively on all of

notion of assist-

Election Support Team in

here is that, while the

to democratic

Several OSCE delegations commented on the

unique nature of the election assistance

provided to Afghanistan and commended

the exemplary co-operation between the

OSCE Secretariat, the ODIHR, the Afghan

Government and the international com-

munity. The delegations were responding

to Ambassador Robert Barry's report on the

work of the OSCE Election Support Team

in Afghanistan. The following are excerpts

from some of the remarks made at a

meeting of the Permanent Council on

21 October.

"Despite the challenging security situa-

tion in Afghanistan, [the Team] fulfilled

their tasks in good faith, with determina-

tion and, what is most important, with no

casualties. The Chairmanship would also

like to thank participating States that

on-

have supported the operation with pers

nel and funds. The first OSCE mission for

election support in a partner country at

a decisive stage in its development has

proved to be a success...

"The OSCE has brought to bear hidden

resources and has demonstrated its poten-

-dal for rendering support

ance is a very legitimate alternative to

processes outside of its own geographic

simple monitoring, we must be also care-

experience as a new type of OSCE

area. Its

ful that, together with assistance, we do

ent for election support and assist-

instrum

not indirectly give ourselves the right to

a partner country is an important

ance to

play a validating role ... So, before we

for the Organization." Bulgarian

asset

think about duplicating this model, I thin

nship

Chairma

we need to reflect a little bit on where

"We see great value in drawing lessons

the mandate crosses the line between

from this experience, particularly with a

monitoring, assistance and validation."

view to planning for the upcoming parlia-

Delegation of Armenia

egation of Canada

mentary elections." Del

"The OSCE's decision to send an Electio

the

"The European Union is pleased with

Support Team to Afghanistan embodies

OSCE

close co-operation between the

the very best of what the Organization

European

Election Support Team and the

all about. It makes us proud for the OSC

Union missions on the ground, in line with to be an important participant on the

the excellent co-operative relationship

international scene. The historic election

between the EU and the OSCE generally."

in Afghanistan was, in the truest sense

Netherlands Presidency of the Europe

of the term, a confidence- and security

Union

building measure, and our Organization

responded to a direct request from the

"Some of my colleagues may remember

Afghan Government to lend support to this

that my delegation was insistent on call

effort. The successful completion of the

ing this a 'team' rather than a 'mission.

Afghan Election Support Team's mission

And I am glad to say that together with

is a real achievement for the OSCE and

the word 'team', the notion of 'support'

one that reflects positively on all of us."

took hold, since we did not consider it

Delegation of the United States

classic mission. However, the only danger

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

I IIIIIII

I I l"

U.S. ELECTION 2004

Americans try to

make sense of

the OSCE

An established democracy

largely lives up to its

electoral commitments

A polling station in

Fairfax County, Virginia

Photo: ODIHR/

Michaela Kuefner

BY URDUR GUNNARSDOTTIR

ashington, D.C., 2 November

2004, 1.15 p.m. — The red light is

on. Kojo Nnamdi's daily two-hour

radio show on WAMU 88.5 FM is

on the air when I sneak into the studio on

the American University campus, after hav-

ing been caught in the U.S. capital's noon-

day traffic snarl.

Kojo, an immigrant from Guyana who

has been rated by the Washington Post

as "maybe the best interviewer in town",

keeps his cool about the delay. His other

guest is trying to convince radio listeners

that the OSCE's observation of the U.S. elec-

tion is a "threat to U.S. sovereignty", and

that "transparency does not necessarily

work both ways".

The landmark Copenhagen Document of

1990, which obligates participating States

in the Organization to observe each other's

electoral processes, is central to any expla-

nation of the OSCE's role. Most people who

call into the show seem to appreciate this

background, but my fellow guest remains

sceptical.

The Kojo Nnamdi Show was just one of

many opportunities to answer three basic

questions we were being asked over and

over again in connection with our pres-

ence at the presidential and congressional

election in the United States: Why are you

here? What will you do? And who are you

anyway?

Contrary to popular misconception,

it was not exactly the first time that the

OSCE's Warsaw-based Office for Democratic

Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)

was assessing the election process in the

United States. During the mid-term polls

in 2002, a team of ten election experts

reviewed some of the reforms that had been

implemented in Florida following the presi-

dential election in 2000.

Since that mission, the United States has

pursued further reforms under the Help

America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002, which

introduced federal legislation to regulate

specific aspects of the national election

process.

When one of the oldest and largest

democracies in the world undertakes

significant reforms in its electoral system,

the rest of the world is bound to be

interested, and not least of all the ODIHR,

which has observed close to 150 elections

in the past decade. Furthermore, the HAVA

addresses a wide range of polling issues

that many of the OSCE's participating States

are either also tackling or have gained

some expertise in.

Led by university professor Rita

Siissmuth, a former president of the

German Bundestag, an OSCE/ODHIR team

went to the United States in early October

to take a detailed look at the implementa-

tion of the HAVA. They also followed up

other issues that had already been identi-

fied by our election experts during a visit

to the United States in September.

On 4 November, the OSCE/ODIHR

announced its preliminary conclusions

regarding the conduct of the elections at a

press conference at the National Press Club

in Washington, D.C. As is customary, this

was done in co-operation with the OSCE

Parliamentary Assembly.

In keeping with usual practice, the

OSCE/ODIHR experts focused on the legal

and administrative aspects of the election

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

as well as on the political context. They

pored over legislation and policy documents

and met with election authorities, political

parties and NGOs — and even with manu-

facturers of voting equipment.

In some states, legislation does not allow

for observers; in others, polling stations

are classified as public places. The U.S.

Election Assistance Commission and the

State Department were of tremendous help

in enabling us to cope with the daunting

task of having our observers accredited

— daunting, since it had to be done in each

individual state and sometimes in indivi-

dual counties, by officials who had never

even heard of that mysterious organization

called the OSCE.

The 70 short-term observers, many of

whom were parliamentarians from partici-

pating States, were deployed to California,

Florida, Illinois, Maryland, Minnesota,

Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico,

North Carolina, Ohio, Virginia and

Washington, D.C.

Suddenly, they found themselves among

the most sought after people in the country.

CNN, CBS, NBC and the BBC were lining

up for interviews. Japanese television crews

appeared at every turn. The European

media called day and night, desperate to

get hold of their nationals in the observer

group. Local U.S. newspapers wanted to

know if their state had been selected for

observation, while the larger U.S. dailies

struggled to get a grip on what on earth

this strange OSCE creature was all about.

The highly decentralized nature of the

U.S. election system was not the only factor

that posed a challenge to the OSCE/ODIHR

Election Observation Mission. The event

took place during the most demanding

election season we had ever experienced.

Within less than two months - from

mid-September to early November — we

observed six elections (see box, page 19),

which involved deploying some 1,700 elec-

tion observers representing a cross-sec-

tion of OSCE participating States. Election

experts were in great demand and were

constantly criss-crossing the OSCE region.

We were often asked to comment on the

value of the OSCE's observation in the U.S.

elections. Professor Siissmuth was asked

this question at the post-election press con-

ference. She replied:

"This was an excellent opportunity to

exchange democratic practices and know-

how, and to get an insight into the spirit of

the U.S. approach to the conduct of elec-

tions. The U.S. system is different from oth-

•

ers that we have seen before. However, the

fact that election systems are different from

country to country does not mean that one

is preferred over another. All are based on

the same values: respect for human rights,

respect for the rule of law, respect for the

popular vote. What is important is that the

system is transparent and accountable, and

that voters have placed their trust in it."

The mission concluded that the elections

had been conducted in an environment

reflecting a long-standing democratic tradi-

tion, comprising institutions governed by

the rule of law, free and professional media

and an active civil society involved in all

aspects of the election process. The mis-

sion also emphasized that the Help America

Vote Act could be viewed as a process rath-

er than as a final legislative step, designed

to address some of the remaining issues

that had generated the issue of electoral

reform in the United States.

Overall, although the media and some

others seemed content with the mission's

findings, some made known their disap-

pointment with the lack of outright criti-

cism of the process.

"Well I guess it

good news," said a

television producer with a sigh, "which

means no news."

But for us on the mission, the really good

news was that we found a ready-made

opportunity to introduce the OSCE and its

election observation activities to the U.S.

public.

Urdur Gunnarsdottir is spokesperson of the

Office for Democratic Institutions and Human

Rights.

Professor Rita Silssmuth

talks to a television crew

outside a polling station on

2 November.

Photo: 0DIHR/

Michaela Kuefner

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

U.S. ELECTION 2004

BY BARBARA HAERING

Election observers/

OSCE ambassadors:

Parliamentarians' dual

roles come to the fore

Voting in Fairfax, Virginia

Photo: ODIHR/Michaela Kuefner

he U.S. presidential election of 2004

provided the OSCE with its first

opportunity to send a comprehen-

sive Election Observation Mission

to the United States. I was honoured tha

the President of the OSCE Parliamentary

Assembly (PA), Alcee L. Hastings, cho

se me

to lead the Short-Term Election Observat

ion

Mission and asked the Chairman-in-Office

to appoint me as his Special Co-ordinato

Upon the request of PA President Hastin

gs,

the Chairman-in-Office also appointed

Italian parliamentarian Giovanni Kessle

r as

my Deputy. This unprecedented suppor

t for

the PA was important to our work.

Since the OSCE's Office for Democratic

Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR

)

was unable to provide its usual logisti-

cal support due to the lack of long-term

observers in the field, the Parliament

ary

Assembly's International Secretariat

assumed responsibility not only for

conducting the extensive briefings in

Washington, D.C., but also for deploying

the parliamentarians and organizing the

programmes.

The briefings, held on Capitol Hill on

28 and 29 October, included presentati

ons

by the U.S. Federal Election Commissi

on,

the Election Assistance Commission,

the

International Foundation for Election

Systems, and the Republican and

Democratic election campaigns.

The complexity of the United States

highly decentralized election proced

ures

was new to most of the parliamentarians

from Europe. Members of the Electio

Observation Mission were fully aware

that

the country was in the midst of a cru

cial

phase of election reform. For the firs

t time,

nationwide rules and regulations for ele

tion procedures were stipulated under

federal law, the Help America Vote Ac

Known as the HAVA, it was approved

the U.S. Congress in 2002 but has not

yet

been fully implemented.

On 30 October, 52 parliamentarians

from

19 OSCE participating States were dep

loyed

not only to the key battleground states

Florida, New Mexico, Ohio and Minne

sota,

but also to Maryland, North Carolina

Virginia and the District of Columbia

. This

deployment plan offered a balanced

picture

of the country's election process. I

myself

visited ten polling stations in Cleveland

Ohio.

On election day, my parliamentarian

colleagues found themselves having

OSCE

Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

not

improvise on the spot since OSCE observers were

automatically granted access to every polling stati

not

they went to. This was because some state laws did

include international observers under the categories

persons permitted to enter polling places, or because

rv-

the state law's lack of reference to international obse

ers was deemed to be an obstacle to their presence.

the

These hitches could not be resolved by the fact that

OSCE had been invited by the U.S. State Department

to observe the elections. Fortunately, experienced par-

liamentarians are used to tackling delicate predica-

ments and I believe that, in the end, we did achieve the

requirements for effective election observation.

On 4 November, together with Rita Siissmuth, Head

of the Long-Term Election Observation Mission, I pre-

sented our preliminary post-election statement at the

National Press Club. Our key message was that the U.S.

elections had by and large fulfilled the commitments

that the OSCE's 55 participating States had signed up

to in the Copenhagen Document of 1990. However, I

added, Congress and individual states should consider

introducing legal provisions allowing officially invited

international observers to have unimpeded access to all

stages of the election process.

I stressed that U.S. election reforms would have to

continue and even go beyond the HAVA, especially

concerning international observers. Nationwide voter

registration rules and national standards for voting roll

purges would be needed. Clearer rules for handling pro-

visional ballots and identification, and for military and

overseas voting, would have to be drawn up.

Moreover, I drew attention to the fact that the

Election Observation Mission had enhanced the cred-

ibility, not only of the OSCE, but also that of the Unit

States as a participating State of the OSCE. It is impo

tant for the Organization not to be perceived as appl

ing double standards in the observation and monitori

of elections in the OSCE area.

Throughout the mission's duration, my colleagues

and I were literally chased by representatives of the

media in the United States as well as from our own

countries. Over and over again, we had to explain that

the U.S. Government had invited the OSCE to observe

the elections, pointing to the commitments laid dow

in the Copenhagen Document and describing the work

of the OSCE and its institutions. Thus, we were per-

as-

forming the role of election observers as well as amb

sadors of the OSCE.

On a personal note, I must say that I was impressed

by the passion exhibited during the presidential cam-

paign, by the commitment of campaign volunteers up

to the very last minute, and by the patience and resol

of voters on election day. I came away from the mis-

sion with a wealth of lessons that will be important

my work as a parliamentarian in

Switzerland.

Barbara Haering was elected Vice-

President of the OSCE Parliamentary

Assembly in 2001. A citizen of

both Canada and Switzerland, she

has been a member of the Swiss

parliament since 1990, where she

is Vice-President of the Defence

Committee.

Parliamentarians Barbara Haering

and Giovanni Kessler

ervers

IHR erection observation in 2004: 12 missions, 3,500 obs

Georgia: presidential election, 4 January

450 short-term

observers for election day

38 long-term observers and core staff

Russian Federation: presidential election, 14 March

340 short-term observers for election day

51 long-term observers and core staff

Georgia: repeat parliamentary elections, 28 March

440 short-term observers for election day

40 long-term observers and core staff

The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: early

presidential election, 14/28 April 2004

200 short-term observers for election day

28 tong-term observers and core staff

Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro): presidential election,

13 June

No short-term observers for election day

19 long-term observers and core staff

Kazakhstan: parliamentary elections, 19 September

300 short-term observers for election day

31 tong-term observers and core staff

Bosnia and Herzegovina: municipal elections, 2 October

200 short-term observers for election day

21 long-term observers and core staff

Belarus: parliamentary elections, 17 October

300 short-term observers for election day

29 long-term observers and core staff

Ukraine: presidential election, 31 October/

21 November/26 December

600-1,000 short-term observers for election day

57-80 long-term observers and core staff

U.S. presidential and congressional elections: 2 November

80 short-term observers for election day

10 core staff

um,

The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Referend

7 November

200 short-term observers for polling day

22 long-term observers and core staff

Uzbekistan: parliamentary elections, 26 December

No short-term observers for election day

20 tong-term observers and core staff

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

HIGH COMMISSIONER ON NATIONAL MINORITIES

The education solution

Fostering harmony in diversity

I was delighted by the decision of the 2004 Bulgarian

Chairmanship to assign priority to

education on the OSCE agenda. As "an instrument of

conflict prevention at the earliest

possible stage", my job is to tackle the underlying caus

es of tension between minorities

and majorities. Perhaps the most effective means of

achieving this is by investing in

educational policies and practices designed to mee

t the special needs and concerns of

both.

BY ROLF EKEUS

he problems that can arise in inter-

ethnic relations vary from case to

case. However, I have found that

education-related issues crop up

again and again. This is also why the

previous High Commissioner on National

Minorities decided to develop practical

and coherent guidelines that would help

legislators, policy-makers, representatives

of minority groups and NGO leaders to

initiate and implement suitable educa-

tional policies in line with international

standards.

This decision led a group of reputa-

ble independent experts under the aus-

pices of the then High Commissioner,

Max van der Stoel, to draw up the 1996

Hague Recommendations Regarding the

Education Rights of National Minorities.

The Recommendations offer education

stakeholders a set of measures and prin-

ciples designed to strengthen inter-ethnic

harmony and social cohesion. Good practic-

es in minority education at different school

levels, including curriculum development,

are explained simply and succinctly.

LANGUAGE

The language issue has been at the

forefront of political debate in a number

of OSCE participating States and is at the

heart of most of the ethnic-related situa-

tions I am engaged in. This is hardly sur-

prising. Language often defines a national

minority and underpins the right of its

members to maintain and develop their

own identity.

The Hague Recommendations point out

that this right can be pursued more readily

if members of minorities acquire a proper

An integrated school in

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

Photos on pages 20,21,

22 and 23:

OSCENIadimir Kiriushin

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

knowledge of their mother tongue during

the educational process, starting in early

childhood. At the same time, they have a

responsibility to become integrated into

the fabric of national life, for example, by

learning the State language.

A typical destabilizing situation may

arise when authorities seek to spread

the use of the State language as a tool to

enhance nationhood and when a powerful

minority, compelled to accept the linguistic

dominance of the majority, perceives it as

an attempt to downgrade the group's lan-

guage.

Badly thought-out reforms in language

education can have a negative domino

effect on ethnic communities, and, as a

result, on the country as a whole. If stu-

dents from a national minority are unable

to gain admission to institutions of higher

learning, the group's pool of qualified

labour shrinks and its ability to compete in

the labour market is reduced.

Time and time again, analysts warn that

joblessness and aimlessness among the

young in marginalized societies create a

fertile ground for hatred, intolerance and

radical ideologies. And the lack of qualified

people reduces the group's opportunities to

take part in the State's political, as well as

economic, life.

One very practical and effective way to

ensure that the needed linguistic skills of

minorities are properly honed is through

multilingual education — teaching part of

the curriculum in a second or third lan-

guage.

ion of

, its stated aims of contributing significantly to the solut

East European University has met, indeed exceeded

"The South

ammes in a broad

providing a carefully chosen range of teaching progr

the problem of higher education in the Albanian language,

has already shown

a multicultural approach to teaching. The University

international and European perspective and ensuring

ing modes, and in

ula, adoption of small group teaching and active learn

national and regional leadership in its design of curric

its preferred modes of

with highly functional teaching spaces appropriate to

the rapid creation of an attractive greenfield campus

teaching and learning."

rtunity: Higher education in transition in

Report of an OECD review, "Improving access and oppo

the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", 2004

nationally acclaimed initiative of the High

South East European University.

An inter

European University (SEE U) in

Commissioner on National Minorities, the South East

in late 2004, but it has already made a

Tetovo, has only just celebrated its third anniversary

ern higher education in the Balkans.

name for itself as a leader in the development of mod

only drawing power. It is also a

The University's high academic standards are not its

It is committed to Albanian lan-

showcase for inter-ethnic integration and co-operation.

ent population are non-Albanians. It

guage and culture, but almost 25 per cent of the stud

n, with courses conducted in Albanian,

has adopted a European and international orientatio

Macedonian and English.

at the forefront of the international

In 2000-2001, High Commissioner van der Stoel was

institution. Today, it is fully autonomous,

effort to raise funds for the multilingual academic

rs on the University's Board.

with both the first and the current High Commissione

the University in October 2001 will

In 2005, the first freshmen who were admitted to

ept behind its creation — to address

obtain their bachelor's degrees, thus realizing the conc

the country's universities.

the shortage of Macedonian-Albanian graduates in

essive: The overall percentage of

The early impact of the SEE University has been impr

lation has grown from an estimated 5 per

Albanians in the country's university student popu

lment of more than 5,000 students.

cent to more than 12 per cent, with a current enro

■

~iv

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

The High

Commissioner on National Minorities introduced the

Transition Year Programme in the former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia (fYROM) in 1997 with the sup-

port of the Government of the Netherlands.

The Programme's aim is to boost ethnic Albanians'

chances of admission into the state universities in

Skopje and Bitola. Saturday classes in the Macedonian

language, which are conducted by teams of Albanian

and Macedonian instructors, have been growing in

popularity. In the spring of 2003, more than 80 per

cent of the 1,200 students who enrolled in the lessons

passed the university entrance examinations.

A group of project participants also produced a

handbook for teaching Macedonian to non-Macedonian

speakers.

Transition Year Programme.

"The Transition Year Programme provides the

ethnic Albanian community with a fantastic

opportunity to enjoy the right to education.

The quality of applicants to state universities

has improved considerably, especially in

mathematics, biology, medicine and the

natural sciences. The Programme also brings

together Albanian and Macedonian teachers

and students in partnership, making its

impact felt far beyond the education sector."

Bajram Pollozhani

Project Director, Transition Year

Programme

PARTICIPATION

Policies to meet the needs of national

minorities are likely to be more relevant

and acceptable if minority members are

involved in the decision-making proc-

ess. Inclusion in decision-making sends

an important signal of the majority's

openness for dialogue and accommoda-

tion of minority interests. Frequently,

however, ethnic communities are not

adequately represented in public bod-

ies and institutions precisely because

of the shortage of educated minority

members.

Kyrgyzstan has reason to be proud

of its Working Group on Integration

through Education as a model of minor-

ity involvement in decision-making.

Created by President Askar Akaev in

2003 at my recommendation, it reflects

the rich tapestry of Kyrgyz society.

Fact-finding trips all across

Kyrgyzstan enabled members to talk

to local authorities and to representa-

tives of national minority communities,

NGOs, teachers and parents. The Working

Group gathered and analysed views on

promoting tolerance and understanding

among ethnic groups through curriculum

development, language teaching, teacher

training, multilingual education and spe-

cial teaching aids.

Drawing on international norms and

best practices, the Working Group issued

a report with ambitious but practical rec-

ommendations aimed at fostering social

integration and equality. President Akaev

has said that the report would "open

up a new phase in the ethnic policy of

Kyrgyzstan".

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

TEXTBOOKS AND CURRICULUM

The teaching of languages is a central

element in multicultural education, but

it is not the be-all and the end-all. I have

always insisted on a broader, more com-

prehensive approach — one that ensures

that the curriculum covers the history,

culture and traditions of both the national

majority and the State's main ethnic com-

munities.

Textbooks that ignore diversity or

worse, present it as a threat to be feared

and eliminated, serve to fuel intolerance,

xenophobia and ethnic stereotyping — an

explosive recipe for conflict and instabil-

ity within the State.

Commission on textbooks. In

southern

Serbia, home to a significant Albanian

minority, the High Commissioner and

a broad cross-section of partners have

established a Commission to develop a

primary-school textbook on history. The

Commission will oversee the develop-

ment of the curricula for other second-

and third-grade subjects in

Albanian-language primary

schools.

The Commission's first

official meeting in February

2004 was hailed as a success

by project participants: the

Serbian Ministry for Education

and Sports, the State Union

Ministry for Human and

Minority Rights in Serbia,

and the Albanian community,

including history teachers.

At a follow-up meeting in

Belgrade in June 2004, the

Commission agreed that,

in ethnic Albanian primary

schools in southern Serbia, 30

per cent of the Serbian history

curriculum would be devoted

to the history of Albanians,

and the rest of the Albanian

curriculum would be in line

with the Serbian curriculum.

This little girl in southern

Serbia will benefit from

improved textbooks.

Photo: OSCE Mission in

Serbia and Montenegro/

Milan Obradovib"

we highly

"Since we have not received any training since 1991,

cially because

appreciate the sessions offered by the OSCE, espe

participatory, with

they follow a completely new approach: practical,

ing aids.

the pupil at the centre, and complete with excellent teach

Now pupils love coming to our classes!"

oner

Letter from teachers in Moldova to the High Commissi

IN-SERVICE TEACHER TRAINING

r fail

During my visits to OSCE participating States, I neve

ing

to stress the need to equip teachers with the latest teach

ent

methodologies and techniques. In fact, both Governm

qual-

authorities and national minority leaders agree that the

aspira-

ity of teaching holds the key to the fulfilment of their

tions in education.

otes

The High Commissioner on National Minorities prom

ur-

interactive, student-centred methods. Teachers are enco

aged to think of training as an opportunity for creativity

contrast to traditional methods.

self-discovery and further learning, which stands in stark

Teacher

-training.

ept into practice.

Our project in Moldova has been translating this conc

uage in grades 5 to 9 have undergone

Nearly all 1,200 teachers of Moldovan as a second lang

our implementing partner, the partici-

training in modern teaching methods. Together with

pants drafted a manual on teaching the State language

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

"Perhaps the most important conclusion from

my activities in conflict prevention is that

we should devote more attention to the root

causes of ethnic tensions. Conflicts between

different groups are often the results of

difficulties which, in essence, are not of an

inter-ethnic nature. Relatively minor problems

can, if not tackled, develop into major sources

of tension."

Max van der Stoel

OSCE's first High Commissioner on

National Minorities, 1993-2001

LOOKING AHEAD

Just recently, the OSCE Secretariat's Conflict Preventio

n Centre announced the results

of a survey of all the education -related activities that the

Organization's field operations,

institutions and the Secretariat have implemented in the

past five years. I take this as a

signal that the OSCE's focus on education as an integral

component of long-term security

is not merely a passing fancy.

As High Commissioner on National Minorities, I am excit

ed about the possibilities that

education holds for the future. I intend to follow developm

ents in this dynamic field close-

ly, including the new ideas and concepts that are figur

ing in the public debate in many

participating States. I will continue to expand and deve

lop the work I am doing in educa-

tion together with groups, communities and governme

nts for the benefit of inter -ethnic

relations throughout the OSCE region.

A little

boy in an integrated

school in Bishkek sings the

national anthem to herald

the new academic year.

The Lund, Oslo and Hag

DornMission« on Nationa

re the rightS and fr

and developin

I autonomous

Zarin, Russian

Rolf Ekeus of Sweden has been serving as the OSC

E's High

Commissioner on National Minorities since July 2001

. He has

had a long and distinguished diplomatic career, with

foreign

postings in Bonn, Nairobi, Washington, D.C., New

York and

The Hague. He was Sweden's Ambassador to the

United

States from 1997 to 2000. Ambassador Ekeus was activ

in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in

Europe

(CSCE) during the post-Communist transition years

, heading

the Swedish delegation to the CSCE (1988-1992

) and playing

a key role in drafting the Charter of Paris for a New

Europe

(1990). Arms control and disarmament have been

recurrent

themes in Ambassador Ekeus' career. He is best

known for

his work as Executive Chairman of the United Natio

ns Special

Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM), during which he

led the

weapons inspectors (1991-1997). He also serves as

Chairman

of the Governing Board of the Stockholm Inter

national Peace

Research Institute.

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

HIGH COMMISSIONER ON NATIONAL MINORITIES

ntegrating ethnic Uzbeks into

•

Kazakhstan's universities

Multilingual education matters

k population - some 350,000, according to 1999

South Kazakhstan is home to a substantial ethnic Uzbe

turn

in the oblast. Every year, 80 Uzbek-language schools

estimates, or about 17 per cent of total inhabitants

challenge in their quest for further learning. In partnersh

out about 6,000 high school graduates who face a

Education, the local NGO, Dialog, and the Government

with the South Kazakhstan Regional Department of

Minorities may well be on the right track towards an

Norway, the OSCE High Commissioner on National

ual is a valuable asset that can serve as the

solution based on a sound premise: Being multiling

effective

groups.

integrating factor among Kazakhstan's ethnically diverse

versity or vocational college in nearby

BY IGOR SAVIN

Uzbekistan. After all, its capital, Tashkent,

is only about 100 kilometres away.

alikha Sotiboldiyeva is in her

final year in an Uzbek-language

KAZAKHSTAN

high school in Sairam, a village in

a typi-

South Kazakhstan. She is

-J

ies,

cal 16-year old girl in many ways. Mov

teen-magazines, make-up and music are

-/ -KYRGYZ'STAN

part and parcel of her daily life. However,

UZBEKISTAT

the future, her serious

when asked about

TURKMENISTAN

and reflective side takes over.

TAJIKISTAN 9

always give a

"My parents taught me to

helping hand to people in need," Malikha

says with passion and conviction. "This

the past few years, however, South

value has been deeply ingrained in me and

Kazakhstan's Uzbek community has been

in our community. This is why I have made

seeing higher-education opportunities for

up my mind to become a doctor. It is the

its young people begin to shrink. For one

most noble profession in the world. And

thing, sending children to universities in

chemistry and biology are such exciting

Uzbekistan was placing a heavy financial

An Uzbek-language school

subjects!"

burden on families.

Before the break-up of the Soviet Union,

in Shymkent,

Another complicating factor was that

would

South Kazakhstan

most students in Malikha's situation

while Uzbekistan adopted the Latin

uni-

: OSCE/Igor Savin

go on to continue their studies in a

Photo

Zhezoughen

BI61.

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

alphabet

in 1994, Uzbek-language schools

in Kazakhstan continued using the Cyrillic

alphabet in keeping with the country's

educational system.

Meanwhile, further studies in

Kazakhstan were also becoming inaccessi-

ble. Its university entrance examination —

and the courses themselves — are conduct-

ed in Kazakh and Russian, the country's

State and official languages. This would

pose difficulties for any newcomer who has

spent 11 years studying in an Uzbek mono-

lingual school.

Because of this, Uzbek language and

literature was just about the only field of

Malikha Sotiboldiyeva

study that ethnic Uzbeks could com

fort-

epitomizes Kazakhstan's

ably specialize in if they wished

to pursue

multilingual future.

higher education in Kazakhstan.

Photo: 0SCE/Igor Savin

To explore a way out of this dilemma,

the OSCE High Commissioner on National

Minorities launched a scheme offering spe-

cial Kazakh and Russian language classes

in the village of Sairam, where most of the

35,000 residents are Uzbek. Starting with

School No. 19 in July 2003, the project has

recently expanded to Malikha's school, also

in Sairam.

Every day, Malikha and some 200 future

university applicants in the two schools

study Kazakh and Russian terminology

with self-imposed discipline.

"We have a tough schedule," Malikha

says. "We have to stay several extra hours

after school five days a week. You should

see us concentrating and cramming for the

university exam! We know that the only

Kazakhs

way to obtain high test scores is through

7.9 million

Russians

4.5 million

diligent studying. I'm thankful that my par-

IIII■

Ukrainians

547,000

ents are very supportive and do not over-

Uzbeks

371,000

whelm me with household chores and try

Oil

Germans

353,400

to spare me from work in the fields."

Tatars

249,000

Uighurs

Teachers leave no stone unturned in

210,000

Belarusians

111,900

making the classes as lively and as stimu-

Koreans

99,700

lating as possible through language games

Azeri

78,300

and participatory exercises. In a joint

activity, teachers and students compiled

Kazakh-Russian-Uzbek terminology

dictionaries in six subjects: biology,

geography, history, chemistry, math-

ematics and physics. These have

been made available for the perusal

of other Uzbek-language schools

in Kazakhstan on the Internet, at

www.natminedukz.org.

"We have started using the dic-

tionaries and hope that every stu-

dent in every Uzbek-language school

in Kazakhstan has access to them

KAZAKHSTAN'S MAIN ETHNIC GROUPS

through the Internet, which iS truly

Total national population: 14.9 million

Source: Statistics Agency of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 1999

a fantastic means of communica-

Census

tion," says Bakhadyr Nuraliyev, Headmaster;-

of School No. 1, where Malikha is a sen-

ior. "We're eager to co-operate with other

schools, both in our native Kazakhstan and

in other countries of the region."

Funded by Norway, the project has

enriched the two schools' library resources

with hundreds of books and manuals in

Kazakh and Russian. Computer rooms have

been refurbished and equipment upgraded

to encourage students to use the online

dictionaries. The salaries of some 30 teach-

ers and support staff are also drawn from

project funds. Teachers will soon be trained

in modern language-teaching methods,

including interactive techniques. The dic-

tionaries will be expanded to cover more

subjects, and efforts to promote their online

use will be stepped up.

The results that are emerging look suf-

ficiently promising for the pilot project to

serve as a model for other Uzbek-language

schools in Kazakhstan, which have a total

enrolment of some 80,000 students. What is

needed now is to extend the solution to as

many of them as possible.

In 2004, every one of the 35 high

school graduates who took advantage of

the extra classes was admitted to one of

Kazakhstan's universities. Biology, medi-

cine, chemistry, mathematics, geology,

international trade and customs law, and

fire-fighting are just some of the major

fields of study that are popular among

members of the high school class of 2004.

"I hope that Malikha and her class will

be as lucky when it is their turn to take

the exams in July 2005," says Headmaster

Nuraliyev. "Junior students need to see that

the future is unfolding positively for the

new graduates; it will give them the con-

fidence to continue their efforts to master

Kazakh and Russian. We are very proud

of our mother tongue. At the same time,

today's realities call for multilingualism.

I'm very pleased that we have made a start

in meeting this modern-day demand."

Igor Savin is Director of Dialog, the NGO

responsible for implementing the multilingual

teaching project in Sairam. Dialog monitors

inter-ethnic relations, promotes education for

tolerance and conducts training in human rights

in South Kazakhstan.

OSCE Magazine

December 2004

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

"A mountain bike

rather than a Ferrari"

An Italian swan song

Ambassador Lenzi visiting Petra, Jordan's "rose-red

city in the rock", after a Mediterranean Seminar in

Aqaba in October 2003

BY GUIDO LENZI

will start

with a passage from an article in the Economist: "A Swede,

a Bulgarian and an Irishman meet in a mountain village guarded by

Georgians wearing American uniforms. What sounds like the start of

a joke is reality in Omalo, on Georgia's frontier with Russia, where

eagles usually outnumber foreign visitors."

This is how I will always remember the OSCE, an organization that

reaches parts other organizations cannot (paraphrasing the famous ad

of a Dutch beer company — and here, I tip my hat to the European

Union Presidency).

The OSCE is also a hands-on organization, where personal effort,

initiative, commitment and inventiveness dispense with any structural

automata. It remains the eminently politico-diplomatic instrument

that has dramatically changed the fabric of Europe over the past 30

years. This is a place where the art and craft of diplomacy find their

most suitable setting, where networking prevails over hierarchical and

bureaucratic reflexes.

For more than 20 years — more than half of my professional life — I

have been involved, without interruption, in multilateral diplomacy.

Never have I been as comfortable as in the OSCE, where through fair

weather and foul, we maintain a strong sense that the work we do is

worthwhile. In fact, we often behave as though our personal involve-

ment can actually make a difference.

The Organization is no Ferrari, rather a mountain bike that is much

more useful on rugged terrain. However, this implies a shared will to

ride it and steer it, with hardly any room available in the back seat.

In terms of good governance, a concept that has become so dear to

us, one could say that one obtains results from the OSCE only to the

extent that one invests in it. The OSCE's good practices make it akin to

a participant sport, where one can sit out the action from time to time,

but where one cannot just stand permanently on the sidelines and then

complain that the game observed is not to one's liking.

The OSCE is a work in progress, part of the evolution of the species

that is currently under way in every other international security organi-

zation. Compared to them, the OSCE may not project an impressive

silhouette and its deliberations are not necessarily decisive. Geared as it

is to the production and assimilation of consensus in a comprehensive

manner — from the prevention of crises, through conflict resolution, to

post-conflict rehabilitation — the OSCE is serving its very specific pur-

pose, and will continue to do so.

Essentially, it is a politico-diplomatic, behavioural mechanism (anoth-

er one of our beloved buzzwords!), based on a gradual weaving of the

fabric of international law. And the production of international law is

what the whole international community is

now engaged in, under the name of "effective

multilateralism", which even the European

Union has embroidered on its banner.

This was a wonderful and highly stimulat-

ing environment to be in. I wish to thank

many sparring partners, holding diverse posi-

tions, with whom I shared more exalting

moments than depressing ones, who always

challenged me to fast footwork. If this weren't

a metaphor, my doctor would be very happy.

I had to tell him that my job implied long sit-

ins and explain that the Organization relied

on a process of sedimentation akin to geology

— constantly piling up and washing out ideas

and initiatives, but slowly and surely chang-

ing our landscape. Among 55 nations, that is

no mean feat, the full value of which future

generations will recognize. I leave with the

conviction that the OSCE is good for the EU,

as the latter develops its political profile and

its Security Strategy.

Finally, my gratitude also goes to the

Italians working in the Secretariat, institutions

and field operations, who are now much more

numerous than when I first arrived, and who

have all been working hard to promote the

good name of the OSCE and, in the process,

the reputation of my country.

To all of you, arrivederci!

Ambassador Guido Lenzi, who assumed the

post of Head of the Permanent Mission of Italy

to the OSCE in October 2000, delivered these

parting remarks to the Permanent Council on 22

July 2004. A law graduate from the University

of Florence, his diplomatic postings have

included Algiers, Lausanne, London, Moscow

and New York. From 1995 to 1999, he served as

the Western European Union's Director of the

Institute for Security Studies in Paris.

December 2004

OSCE Magazine

OSCE, Alm.del - 2004-05 (2. samling) - Bilag 3: OSCE Magazine - December 2004

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

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